Panzerfaust invented in 1940

sillygoose

Well-known member
Inspired by my comment in this thread:

What if instead of starting to work on the design in 1942 after experiences on the Eastern Front the French campaign instead causes the German army to ask for a cheap handheld infantry weapon to defeat tanks? This POD keeps the developmental history the same, but moves it up from summer 1942 to start in summer 1940. This would mean the first of the small Faustpatrone start entering combat in August 1941.

What would happen to the 1941 campaign and tank combat in general when lots of infantry anti-tank weapons (though relatively short ranged) which could knock out T-34s and KV-1s start appearing later in the Barbarossa campaign? Or in 1942 when the more powerful and longer ranged PzF 60 shows up en masse? Considering the utility the Soviets found for them in city fighting in Berlin they might prove very useful in Stalingrad and for Axis allied countries holding the Don river. ITTL the Panzerfaust 250, effectively equivalent to the RPG-2, would show up in late summer 1943 and perhaps something like the RPG-7 could show up by the end of the war.
 
No difference.
There is no need for a "kill all tanks in 30 metres range" weapon in 1941 as the T-34 and KV tanks were thin on the ground. The PAK 3,7cm and PzB 41 were good enough for what the Soviets had (10K T-26 and BT-7). And at 30-60 metres these could kill the Soviet wunderwaffe too.
The Faustpatron is a last ditch, infantry self defence weapon - nothing more.
IMO the PAW 600 would had made a difference - or maybe the Panzerschreck - but not the Panzerfaust.
It is artillery which rulez :) the battlefield.
 
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No difference.
There is no need for a "kill all tanks in 30 metres range" weapon in 1941 as the T-34 and KV tanks were thin on the ground.
Strongly disagree. The Soviets had more KVs and T-34s in 1941 than Germany had tanks deployed in Russia.
There was after all a reason why the Panzerfaust was developed IOTL.



In 1941 Germany infantry were having to fight tanks with grenades and sticky bombs.

The PAK 3,7cm and PzB 41 were good enough for what the Soviets had (10K T-26 and BT-7). And at 30-60 metres these could kill the Soviet wunderwaffe too.
History doesn't bear that out, since the 50mm PAK38 was developed due to the ineffectiveness of the Pak36 37mm AT cannon against French tanks and the anticipation at the arms race between armor and defense would inevitably make the 37mm gun obsolete.
In June 1941, Soviet tank forces consisted of 10,661 T-26, 2,987 T-37/T-38/T-40/T-50s, 59 T-35, 442 T-28, 7,659 BT, 957 T-34, and 530 KVs for a combined total of approximately 23,295 tanks. Thus, during the initial phases of Operation Barbarossa, the Pak 36 could still penetrate the armour of the majority of Soviet AFVs at ranges up to 1000 m from the front, with the notable exception of the T-28s and T-35s, which it could penetrate only at under 100 m; the Pak 36 could not penetrate the relatively thick armour of the T-34s and KV-1s. By late 1941, the widespread introduction of the T-34 on the Eastern Front made the Pak 36 obsolete, considering its poor performance against it. This led to the Pak 36 being nicknamed "Heeresanklopfgerät" (lit. 'army door-knocking device') by German anti-tank crews for its inability to affect the T-34 aside from notifying its presence by futilely bouncing rounds off its armour, regardless of the angle or distance.[6]

Not only that, but the PAK36 was only able to dent the T-34 with the extremely rare Tungsten core rounds, so the 30-60m range you speak of was only with that unobtainium ammo.
The addition of tungsten-core shells (Pzgr. 40) slightly improved the armour penetration of the Pak 36, finally enabling it to damage the T-34, but only by a direct shot to the rear or side armour from point-blank range - an unlikely and dangerous scenario. However, despite its continued impotence against the T-34, it remained the standard anti-tank weapon for many units until 1942.
At the time of the invasion of Russia in 1941, only 5.8% of all the ammunition for the German-produced 37 mm and 50 mm tank and anti-tank guns was APCR.

They even had to develop a HEAT 'rifle grenade' to keep the large numbers of PAK 36s in service:

The Faustpatron is a last ditch, infantry self defence weapon - nothing more.
An improvement over using hand grenades and the ineffective AT rifle. Of course in time that would improvement in range substantially, which would serve to make it very deadly. Given the number of tanks destroyed in 1941 by hand grenades or magnetic mines there was a huge need for a stand-off weapon, even if 'last ditch'.

Frantic calls to senior commanders pleaded for help as forward positions fell. Only the shoddy Soviet tactics prevented a breakthrough. As the accompanying T-26s were being destroyed by German fire, the T-34s fell prey to hastily formed infantry tank-killer groups that stalked the steel giants with bundles of grenades that could disable the tanks’ wide tracks.

Earlier in the war (1941-42) before the Soviets were able to consistently organize infantry protection for tanks (which repeatedly broke down even in 1945, see the battle of Berlin) such short ranged early panzerfausts would have been disproportionately useful considering how often grenade bundles, magnetic mines, AT rifle grenades, and various other close combat AT weapons were used to destroy tanks and prevent breakthroughs in 1941-42.

IMO the PAW 600 would had made a difference - or maybe the Panzerschreck - but not the Panzerfaust.
Certainly that would have had greater performance, but there is a reason by the RPG became so ubiquitous post-war and everyone used captured panzerfausts by the end of the war.

It is artillery which rulez :) the battlefield.
The different arms work synergistically together, otherwise there would be no other weapon in war other than artillery.

Besides the ability to stop armor and sap momentum from attacks by forcing more caution on the part of armor since the risk of being able to be knocked out is much higher when trying to overrun a panzerfaust equipped infantry unit would actually make artillery more effective, since targets could be contain in an area for longer and artillery then called in on them. AT cannons are much more expensive and harder to conceal and prepare than infantry dug in and capable of attacking from unexpected angles as well as having the ability to maneuver into position to attack much more easily than repositioning a >600kg cannon.
 
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If they gave it to romanians,italians and hungarians - then they woud not be routed,only defeated.Keepin Don river and Caucassus is possible then.
But - soviet win no thanks to tanks,but artillery/ammo made from USA delivered material/ and infrantry keeping with tanks thanks to USA trucks.PZF would not change that,so ,soviets still win - but with bigger losses and taking less land.
In 1945 they still could fight on Dniepr river.
Hungary,Bulgary,Czech,maybe Romania and Poland - still free.

Another thing - alies would copy it,so german tanks in Normandy would die much faster.Allies taking more lands.
 
If they gave it to romanians,italians and hungarians - then they woud not be routed,only defeated.
Agreed. That is a major benefit of producing it in quantity by late 1941, there would be more than enough of better versions to go around by the end of 1942.

Keepin Don river and Caucassus is possible then.
Maybe, but that is no guarantee if the Axis allies are defeated even if not overrun. Much would depend on how much ammo they had; the Romanians, Italians, and Hungarians all defeated the first several Soviet attacks, but ran out of ammo and reserves so were eventually overrun.

But - soviet win no thanks to tanks,but artillery/ammo made from USA delivered material/ and infrantry keeping with tanks thanks to USA trucks.PZF would not change that,so ,soviets still win - but with bigger losses and taking less land.
In 1945 they still could fight on Dniepr river.
Hungary,Bulgary,Czech,maybe Romania and Poland - still free.
Question is what sort of vicious cycle it imposes on the Soviets; the weapon would arrive when the Soviets were least able to deal with it, so it would have an outsized impact in 1941-42. That means heavier losses for the Soviets, lower ones for the German/Axis allies, worse advances when the Soviets can breakthrough, etc. which might add up to major campaign effects later in the war. Stalingrad for instance if the weapons can be used as very light infantry guns to smash up strongpoints or cover, create mouse-holes in buildings, and even be used as indirect fire weapons against concentrations of infantry as RPGs are today. Certainly the Soviets would used captured models, but those should be few until they can overrun some major depots later in the war.

If the Soviets are stuck on the Dnieper in 1945 they are utterly bled out and defeated, probably making peace out of exhaustion even before that point. No winning then. If the Soviets are out the Wallies are screwed, which is why they bent over backwards to ensure Stalin stayed in until the bitter end; even Stalin not helping in Asia would be a major disaster for the US.

Another thing - alies would copy it,so german tanks in Normandy would die much faster.Allies taking more lands.
Maybe, maybe not. The Soviets had the most experience with it and never did due to shortage of the necessary type of explosive, just sticking with the AT rifle, and the US never did either, apparently content with the Bazooka. The British had the awful PIAT since 1940 and never changed despite it being obvious to everyone that it sucked.

The Wallies didn't think it was necessary due to all their other AT weapons: aircraft, artillery, decent AT cannons, tanks, etc.
The Soviets lacked the necessary materials for it, since they really never produced any quantity of HEAT shells for any weapon they possessed.
 
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A couple of relevant videos. The first one has numbers to help judge the effectiveness of the short ranged earlier models:

 
Agreed. That is a major benefit of producing it in quantity by late 1941, there would be more than enough of better versions to go around by the end of 1942.


Maybe, but that is no guarantee if the Axis allies are defeated even if not overrun. Much would depend on how much ammo they had; the Romanians, Italians, and Hungarians all defeated the first several Soviet attacks, but ran out of ammo and reserves so were eventually overrun.


Question is what sort of vicious cycle it imposes on the Soviets; the weapon would arrive when the Soviets were least able to deal with it, so it would have an outsized impact in 1941-42. That means heavier losses for the Soviets, lower ones for the German/Axis allies, worse advances when the Soviets can breakthrough, etc. which might add up to major campaign effects later in the war. Stalingrad for instance if the weapons can be used as very light infantry guns to smash up strongpoints or cover, create mouse-holes in buildings, and even be used as indirect fire weapons against concentrations of infantry as RPGs are today. Certainly the Soviets would used captured models, but those should be few until they can overrun some major depots later in the war.

If the Soviets are stuck on the Dnieper in 1945 they are utterly bled out and defeated, probably making peace out of exhaustion even before that point. No winning then. If the Soviets are out the Wallies are screwed, which is why they bent over backwards to ensure Stalin stayed in until the bitter end; even Stalin not helping in Asia would be a major disaster for the US.


Maybe, maybe not. The Soviets had the most experience with it and never did due to shortage of the necessary type of explosive, just sticking with the AT rifle, and the US never did either, apparently content with the Bazooka. The British had the awful PIAT since 1940 and never changed despite it being obvious to everyone that it sucked.

The Wallies didn't think it was necessary due to all their other AT weapons: aircraft, artillery, decent AT cannons, tanks, etc.
The Soviets lacked the necessary materials for it, since they really never produced any quantity of HEAT shells for any weapon they possessed.

agree and agree - but soviet could not made peace as long as Hitler lived.Idiot always wonted more.And ,if somebody kill him,you get cyvil war and soviets breaking through Dniepr.
British was lost cause,but americans,after meeting PZF in Africa,would copy them.And Quicker win in Normandy.
And,USA would win with A bomb anyway.They have even prototype of stealth bomber to deliver it - B.35,if B.29 failed.
 
agree and agree - but soviet could not made peace as long as Hitler lived.Idiot always wonted more.
I'm not 100% convinced of that. There was a narrow window that peace could have been reached though, as both sides wanted to negotiate from a position of power; in 1941-42 there was no need to negotiate because Hitler was winning and thinking he could dictate terms when he was ready, but by March 1943 Hitler wanted just to retain what he had and it was Stalin who demanded the 1941 border as the minimum condition for peace. Was there a point of exhaustion both sides could reach that they'd be able to agree to stop where the frontlines were? I think so, but IOTL since the Soviet offensives didn't let up and it was clear the Allies were winning that point wasn't reached; had Citadel been more in Germany's favor then perhaps it could have been in 1943.

And ,if somebody kill him,you get cyvil war and soviets breaking through Dniepr.
Perhaps, but the assassination attempt only came about due to the failure of the Normandy defense AND Bagration. So it is unlikely it would come if the Soviets are stalled on the Dnieper.

British was lost cause,but americans,after meeting PZF in Africa,would copy them.And Quicker win in Normandy.
And,USA would win with A bomb anyway.They have even prototype of stealth bomber to deliver it - B.35,if B.29 failed.
I don't think the US would. Remember they experienced it in Normandy and though knowing their Bazooka wasn't anywhere near enough to deal with Tigers (encountered in Africa) or Panthers they didn't even get their upgraded Bazooka in production before the end of the war in Europe. And they didn't copy the concept of the Panzerfaust until the 1960s with the M72 LAW. Meanwhile the Soviets immediately copied it when they could afford to after the war.

Even if they had how would that have helped win sooner in Normandy? Most of German armor fought against the Brits. Plus the US thought tanks, AT cannons, SP AT guns (hellcat for instance), and aircraft were more than enough. Ultimately they were right.

A-bomb only matters if the war goes on that long and the bombers don't get shot down. There is also an argument that they wouldn't be used in Europe due to pre-existing planning and logistics issues and need in the Pacific.

The B-35 didn't fly as a prototype until 1946 and only entered service in 1949, so not going to be an option for WW2. In fact the war contract was cancelled in 1944 due to it being impossible to produce before 1947. It wasn't stealth though, just a flying wing, which is not a stealth design inherently. It was just experimented with due to the lower drag it would experience, so could more efficiently fly longer distances and as a result was considered as an option for a trans-Atlantic bomber. Germany was much closer to getting such an aircraft in action, both their own flying wing (though not for intercontinental bombing) and the Me-264 which could have hit the US east coast.
 
I'm not 100% convinced of that. There was a narrow window that peace could have been reached though, as both sides wanted to negotiate from a position of power; in 1941-42 there was no need to negotiate because Hitler was winning and thinking he could dictate terms when he was ready, but by March 1943 Hitler wanted just to retain what he had and it was Stalin who demanded the 1941 border as the minimum condition for peace. Was there a point of exhaustion both sides could reach that they'd be able to agree to stop where the frontlines were? I think so, but IOTL since the Soviet offensives didn't let up and it was clear the Allies were winning that point wasn't reached; had Citadel been more in Germany's favor then perhaps it could have been in 1943.


Perhaps, but the assassination attempt only came about due to the failure of the Normandy defense AND Bagration. So it is unlikely it would come if the Soviets are stalled on the Dnieper.


I don't think the US would. Remember they experienced it in Normandy and though knowing their Bazooka wasn't anywhere near enough to deal with Tigers (encountered in Africa) or Panthers they didn't even get their upgraded Bazooka in production before the end of the war in Europe. And they didn't copy the concept of the Panzerfaust until the 1960s with the M72 LAW. Meanwhile the Soviets immediately copied it when they could afford to after the war.

Even if they had how would that have helped win sooner in Normandy? Most of German armor fought against the Brits. Plus the US thought tanks, AT cannons, SP AT guns (hellcat for instance), and aircraft were more than enough. Ultimately they were right.

A-bomb only matters if the war goes on that long and the bombers don't get shot down. There is also an argument that they wouldn't be used in Europe due to pre-existing planning and logistics issues and need in the Pacific.

The B-35 didn't fly as a prototype until 1946 and only entered service in 1949, so not going to be an option for WW2. In fact the war contract was cancelled in 1944 due to it being impossible to produce before 1947. It wasn't stealth though, just a flying wing, which is not a stealth design inherently. It was just experimented with due to the lower drag it would experience, so could more efficiently fly longer distances and as a result was considered as an option for a trans-Atlantic bomber. Germany was much closer to getting such an aircraft in action, both their own flying wing (though not for intercontinental bombing) and the Me-264 which could have hit the US east coast.

I think,that you could be right about americans not coping PzF.

But,since Democrats followed what soviet wonted,they would use A bombs in Europe,if soviets could not force Dniepr line or get peace.
And could mass produce them,only reason why not in OTL - soviet lobby.Now,soviet lobby would urge them to do that.

About B.35 - according to what i read,in was "seen" by americans radars only when they fly over it,so germans would not fare better.

And i still think,that soviet artillery and motorized infrantry would gave them victory over germans.Soviets dyvisions was on Studebackers,german on foot - even with tons of PzF they still would be encircled and destroyed.
 
But,since Democrats followed what soviet wonted,they would use A bombs in Europe,if soviets could not force Dniepr line or get peace.
And could mass produce them,only reason why not in OTL - soviet lobby.Now,soviet lobby would urge them to do that.
That was more FDR than Truman. Truman was picked as Wallace's replacement in 1944 because he wasn't a Stalin fanatic. So if the war goes on long enough and the Allies can't get a foothold in France then it might be that the A-bomb is never used in Europe. Much would depend on how long the war goes and what the war situation is. You could be right that it is used eventually.

Mass production however would take until 1946 IIRC. So the war should be over one way or the other by then.

About B.35 - according to what i read,in was "seen" by americans radars only when they fly over it,so germans would not fare better.
What have you read? I can't find reference to it being hard to see with radar.

And i still think,that soviet artillery and motorized infrantry would gave them victory over germans.Soviets dyvisions was on Studebackers,german on foot - even with tons of PzF they still would be encircled and destroyed.
The problem is breaking through for the Soviets; much harder if you can't just mass tanks to roll over infantry at will.
The late introduction of the PzF prevented it from being useful and the short ranged versions mostly available IOTL late in the war weren't enough to do more than increase casualties. However with it being available in significant numbers by winter 1941 Soviet armor losses, when they were at their weakest, is going to be even worse. By 1942 things will start getting pretty ugly when the PzF 60 and 100 show up in very large numbers, probably the millions that year, and infantry-tank cooperation is not good. Stalingrad and the Don river battles are going to be especially costly if as you mentioned earlier the Italians, Romanians, and Hungarians have enough of their own PzFs to fight back. Stalingrad might even fall if the infantry have their own 'pocket artillery' to deploy around the city as needed. If a breakthrough on the Don isn't achieved and the Axis allies fall back intact thanks to Soviet tanks not surviving to exploit their success then the Soviets will be in real trouble come 1943.

Large scale use of the PzF 150 in 1943 would be pretty rough for the Soviets as well even with artillery, Studebakers, and lots of T-34s. By itself it won't stop breakthroughs, but the increased attrition of Soviet armor would prevent the major leaps they were able to achieve in 1943, since they'd burn up their armor even more quickly. I'm not simply speaking fantastically either, in 1943 and 1944 the Soviets lost as many tanks in combat as they produced that year:

This link even includes Soviet production and losses per month:

Comparative figures [19]
19411942194319441945Total
Soviet Tank strength(1)22,6007,70020,60021,10025,400
Soviet Tank Production6,27424,63919,95916,9754,38472,231
Soviet Tank losses20,50015,00022,40016,9008,70083,500

That doesn't account for Lend-Lease tanks though, which would explain the increase in tanks in 1944 despite losing more in 1943 than they produced. The Panzerfaust only was just starting to enter production in significant numbers IOTL 1943. The first 500 were delivered in August 1943. Again remember that the standard model, the PzF 60, only entered service in early 1944 and only reach full production (400k units per month) in September 1944 IOTL AFTER Normandy and Bagration.

That is when they became the most lethal:
In the Battle of Normandy, only 6% of British tank losses were from Panzerfaust fire despite the close-range combat in the bocage landscape. However, the threat from the Panzerfaust forced tank forces to wait for infantry support before advancing. The portion of British tanks taken out of action by Panzerfäuste later rose to 34%, a rise probably explained by the lack of German anti-tank guns late in the war and the increased numbers of Panzerfäuste that were available.[12]
Which explains the very hesitant performance of the British in Normandy and why it was so costly to try and take Caen.
In urban combat later in the war in eastern Germany, about 70% of tanks destroyed were hit by Panzerfäuste or Panzerschrecks. The Soviet and Western Allied tank crews modified their tanks in the field so as to provide some kind of protection against Panzerfausts. These included logs, sandbags, track links, and wire mesh along with bed frames with springs something like German skirts. In practice about 1 metre of air gap was required to substantially reduce the penetrating capability of the warhead, thus skirts and sandbags were virtually entirely ineffective against Panzerschreck and Panzerfaust, but the additions did overburden the vehicle's engine, transmission, and suspension systems.[13]
In the Berlin operation the Soviet 2nd Guards Tank Army lost at least 25% of its tanks in the entire campaign, more inside the city, to Panzerfausts.

BTW the Panzerschrek would be replaced by the PzF 150 ITTL, since it would do the same thing more cheaply, so there would be even greater economies of scale and operation since they had to produce only a single AT weapon rather than the Panzerschreck, Panzerfaust, magnetic mines, hand thrown HEAT grenades, HEAT rifle grenades, etc.

Given loss rates like that if moved up two years earlier the Soviets would have been losing more tanks than they could make and get via L-L by 1943, which means by 1944-45 the Soviets are going to be running short on tanks rather than expanding the number they have in service. It could even mean that any analogue to the Citadel operation might see the Soviets lose due to increased loss of of tanks in the previous months AND German infantry being able to destroy Soviet tanks much more easily during the battle. Again remember the PzF was introduced in August 1943 months after Kursk and only a few hundred of the 30 meter version.

Same would apply to the Wallies, since they'd be facing them in Africa and Italy. Panzerfausts in the fighting around El Alamein and Tunisia would make it especially costly for the Americans and Brits, as Axis infantry, especially the Italians, were pretty much defenseless if attacked by tanks. Here they wouldn't be, which makes it much harder for the Wallies to advance. Same in Sicily and Tunisia. The longer the advance is delayed the more costly it would be, which would further limit the advance rate.
 
I'd echo the comment that artillery was the main Soviet arm anyway. To test your hypothesis, you could compare situations in which RKKA had relatively little armor to when it had more. Have you looked into that at the tactical level? I haven't...

I think we'd see several potential avenues of Soviet adaptation if their tanks were being destroyed in close encounters with German infantry:

  • Stop spending so much on tanks. SU spent proportionately more on tanks than anybody else, probably could have used more artillery (especially more shells). Germany always had >3:1 ratio of artillery (inc. ammo) expenditure vs. armor; Soviet was closer to 1:1.
  • Use armor primarily as SP direct fire artillery from well behind an advancing infantry screen. RKKA used direct fire artillery throughout the war, putting valuable gunners at risk. T-34's, IS-2's, ISU's could all take on this role (surely often did), advancing several hundred meters behind the infantry and never breaking out on their own. This makes the Soviet advance slower but probably no less inevitable. It might work out better for RKKA, whose deep penetrations often got them into trouble with counterattacks and logistics.
 
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I'd echo the comment that artillery was the main Soviet arm anyway. To test your hypothesis, you could compare situations in which RKKA had relatively little armor to when it had more. Have you looked into that at the tactical level? I haven't...
There were relatively few periods where that was the case, but the winter portion of the Battle of Moscow was actually the period with the least armor available and the British tanks were a major portion (30%) of armor available. Unfortunately the situation had quite a few other variables, namely the weather, but also the collapse of German morale for a period and their overextension. Soviet losses however were horrific that entire period and the deaths as a proportion of the casualties were at their highest of the war while they were unable to roll back German forces much after December, yet kept attacking into March.

10:1 losses in favor of the Germans in the winter battles (1st Q 1942).

The period in October when the Vyazma-Bryansk pockets were formed also saw a period of low Soviet armor availability, just not as bad as in November after the horrible losses in those pockets.

20:1 losses in those pockets battles, the best ratio of the entire war (about 1 million losses for the Soviets per Glantz, roughly 50k for the Germans per their casualty reports though that gets a bit iffy considering the straggler fighting continued on beyond the 2 week period of the major fighting and collapse of the pockets and men escaped to the woods to fight on beyond that).

Then there are the Rzhev battles; see my post above, 1942 saw the Soviets start the year with only 7,700 AFVs, their lowest stock by far for the entire war. The first major offensive in the area was from January-April 1942 and was a very bloody failure for the Soviets despite German weakness, which very well could be the function of having very few tanks to attack with.
The result of the Rzhev-Vyazma operation was the advancement of Soviet troops in the Vitebsk area on 250 km, on the Gzhatsky and Yukhnovsky areas - on 80-100 km, the liberation of the Moscow, Tula and a number of districts of the Kalinin and Smolensk regions. However, to solve the main task - to surround and destroy the Rzhev-Vyazma grouping of the enemy - the Kalinin and Western fronts failed. At the same time, they lost 776 889 people, of which 272 320 - irrevocably, 957 tanks, 7296 guns and mortars, 550 combat aircraft. At the same time, according to the German side, in January-March 1942, the loss of Army Group Center was about 54 800 people killed and missing and about 120 thousand wounded.
776,889 Soviet casualties to 174,800 for the Germans.

According to research by a team of Soviet historians, the Soviet Union lost a staggering 20,500 tanks from June 22 to December 31, 1941. At the end of November 1941, only 670 Soviet tanks were available to defend Moscow—that is, in the recently formed Kalinin, Western, and Southwestern Fronts. Only 205 of these tanks were heavy or medium types, and most of their strength was concentrated in the Western Front, with the Kalinin Front having only two tank battalions (67 tanks) and the Southwestern Front two tank brigades (30 tanks).
That would explain the poor performance of the Kalinin Front around Kalinin despite the Germans being effectively surrounded and worn out and only sustained by the Luftwaffe.
The tanks reached the front lines with extraordinary speed. Extrapolating from available statistics, researchers estimate that British-supplied tanks made up 30 to 40 percent of the entire heavy and medium tank strength of Soviet forces before Moscow at the beginning of December 1941, and certainly made up a significant proportion of tanks available as reinforcements at this critical point in the fighting. By the end of 1941 Britain had delivered 466 tanks out of the 750 promised.
The British Military Mission to Moscow noted that by December 9, about ninety British tanks had already been in action with Soviet forces. The first of these units to have seen action seems to have been the 138th Independent Tank Battalion (with twenty-one British tanks), which was involved in stemming the advance of German units in the region of the Volga Reservoir to the north of Moscow in late November. In fact the British intercepted German communications indicating that German forces had first come in contact with British tanks on the Eastern front on November 26, 1941.
90 tanks was about 30-40% of the entire medium and have tank force of 3 Fronts. They were Matilda's and Valentines, the former having given the Germans trouble in 1940 and of course were famous in the deserts of North Africa in 1940-41 for their armor, since it required heavy guns to knock out since the 37mms were enough and the PAK38 was still relatively rare in 1941.

Given their armor levels the Panzerfaust, even the Faustpatrone would be helpful for knocking them out.

I think we'd see several potential avenues of Soviet adaptation if their tanks were being destroyed in close encounters with German infantry:

  • Stop spending so much on tanks. SU spent proportionately more on tanks than anybody else, probably could have used more artillery (especially more shells). Germany always had >3:1 ratio of artillery (inc. ammo) expenditure vs. armor; Soviet was closer to 1:1.
  • Use armor primarily as SP direct fire artillery from well behind an advancing infantry screen. RKKA used direct fire artillery throughout the war, putting valuable gunners at risk. T-34's, IS-2's, ISU's could all take on this role (surely often did), advancing several hundred meters behind the infantry and never breaking out on their own. This makes the Soviet advance slower but probably no less inevitable. It might work out better for RKKA, whose deep penetrations often got them into trouble with counterattacks and logistics.
The problem for the Soviets was the lack of explosives for more shells; the invasion had severely damaged their economy and even with L-L they still had massive shortages in 1943. Tanks were made en masse as mobile direct fire artillery. Given their tactics and training levels as well as general economic problems that was about the best choice they could have made. Despite losing vast amounts of tanks throughout the war to other methods the Soviets didn't produce fewer tanks, they tried to maximize output and get L-L models.

The latter option is probably the one they would have to go with eventually. Which plays into German hands, because then their own artillery can handle the stand off retaliation against Soviet fire groups. The only issue is given the training and optics limitations 500m range was about the best the Soviet tanks could achieve in terms of accuracy, though they probably could fire at longer ranges for general suppressive fire...assuming they had sufficient shells, which they largely did not until 1944 (when LL kicked in in a big way). 200-500m protects against Panzerfausts, but then makes them vulnerable to AT guns and artillery as well as makes it harder to spot dug in infantry/MGs/AT guns.

Slower Soviet advance that relies more on infantry and infantry casualties means they bleed out much quicker and IOTL by 1944 their infantry had gotten so bad they basically couldn't advance unless the armor was able to smash through enemy lines and exploit (per Glantz); if armor can't due that for fear of being destroyed by infantry then the advance gets a lot slower and more costly.

A very good example of that in the later war period is the 'forgotten' battles of October 1943-April 1944 (forgotten because they were bloody failures and achieved little) in Belarus. Glantz has a very good book about those battles; they cost the Soviets over 700,000 casualties for minor territorial gains (they suffered about 3500 casualties for every 500m gained for one Front) despite a huge superiority in men, tanks, and artillery; in fact they used more ammo than the fighting in Ukraine did in the same period.

The Soviets couldn't afford a slow grinding attrition battle forward, they needed the replacements from the populations behind Axis lines, which yielded over 4 million (officially, probably more unofficially) recruits from 1943-45. So unless they get those big breakthroughs like Bagration and inflict 1:2 losses (the usual ratio of success for a Soviet pocket battle in 1944, a ratio that was sustainable for them) they're going to lose the attrition battle. Which is why even a minor weapon like the Panzerfaust could have major knock on effects if introduced early enough since it would force a major tactical change to the Soviets, which blunts their ability to breakthrough quickly and at lower losses. The more their AFV advantage can be eroded the worse they do, as it was their AFV exploitations that brought them their major offensive success.
 
the winter portion of the Battle of Moscow was actually the period with the least armor available and the British tanks were a major portion (30%) of armor available.

This was also the point at which Soviet weapon and ammo supply was lowest. Indeed Askey's Barbarossa shows they even suffered a massive shortfall of automatic infantry weapons. Around Moscow you had basically hordes of rifleman backed by relatively few medium tanks and guns. Luckily for them their opponents' weapons weren't working and neither were their supply services.

10:1 losses in favor of the Germans in the winter battles (1st Q 1942).

By your own stats it was 5:1 in AGC's sector, which means the other army groups would have to be inflicting >15:1 casualties to make it 10:1 across the front. Seems implausible.

The problem for the Soviets was the lack of explosives for more shells; the invasion had severely damaged their economy and even with L-L they still had massive shortages in 1943.

Yes explosives were an issue. But direct fire artillery ameliorates the issue. Shell expenditure in direct fire mode was a small fraction of that required for indirect. I don't have figures but we can identify two fundamental factors:

  1. Shell dispersion scales directly with range: shells fired at 1,000m will have 1/10th the dispersion pattern as shells fired at 10,000m.
  2. Aiming indirect fires was a big problem for RKKA, who lacked the specialists and communications for accurate/timely fires.
Taking (1) and (2) together, RKKA probably expended >10x as many shells in indirect fire as in direct to achieve the same destructive effect. Again I doubt that figures exist for the % of shells expended indirect vs. direct but it was probably a ratio of ~10:1. So doubling direct fire artillery requires only, say, 10% increase in shell supply or a substitution away from indirect shell supply. Allies would be more than able to substitute explosives for armor in LL shipments, especially as they themselves would be shifting away from armor production in this ATL.

We could also just look at supply of tank shells as a proportion of total Soviet shell production. IIRC there are numbers out there; I suspect tank shells were a small fraction of Soviet shell production.

Tanks were made en masse as mobile direct fire artillery.

They were used in that role but not entirely or even primarily. Otherwise, if used as I suggest, they're rarely vulnerable to short-range weapons like Panzerfaust (which wasn't the case, as your numbers show).

A very good example of that in the later war period is the 'forgotten' battles of October 1943-April 1944 (forgotten because they were bloody failures and achieved little) in Belarus. Glantz has a very good book about those battles; they cost the Soviets over 700,000 casualties for minor territorial gains (they suffered about 3500 casualties for every 500m gained for one Front) despite a huge superiority in men, tanks, and artillery; in fact they used more ammo than the fighting in Ukraine did in the same period.

All true but then what does this say about the criticality of OTL Soviet tank employment? This seems to show that massive tank superiority was not the sine qua non of Soviet success OTL. I'm just trying to identify evidence that tanks were especially critical - rather than the panoply of weapons in which RKKA had overwhelming numerical superiority. The forgotten battles seem clear evidence that Soviet tank preponderance wasn't the difference between success and failure.

The Soviets couldn't afford a slow grinding attrition battle forward, they needed the replacements from the populations behind Axis lines, which yielded over 4 million (officially, probably more unofficially) recruits from 1943-45.

Agreed re the criticality of replacements but...

So unless they get those big breakthroughs like Bagration and inflict 1:2 losses (the usual ratio of success for a Soviet pocket battle in 1944, a ratio that was sustainable for them) they're going to lose the attrition battle.

By the time you get to Bagration there's no hope of a negotiated peace.

It's hard to see other big breakthroughs being sufficiently decisive that their absence allows stalemating the RKKA. The biggest other pockets (Cherkassy, Kamenets-Podolsky) were west of the Dniepr in early 1944 so probably also too late to stalemate RKKA (unless one argues that avoiding Cherkassy and K-P allows defeat of the Normandy landings, which I won't reject out of hand but seems a stretch).

Slower Soviet advance that relies more on infantry and infantry casualties means they bleed out much quicker

I'm not sure that's true (not sure it's wrong either). As I said earlier, RKKA got into trouble with logistics and counterattacks in its deep operations. See, e.g., Model's destruction of of a Soviet tank corps at Radzymin after Bagration and Balck's recapture of Zhitomir after Kiev. If RKKA is advancing methodically with armor employed only/primarily as an infantry support weapon, it avoids these kinds of reverses.
 
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This was also the point at which Soviet weapon and ammo supply was lowest. Indeed Askey's Barbarossa shows they even suffered a massive shortfall of automatic infantry weapons. Around Moscow you had basically hordes of rifleman backed by relatively few medium tanks and guns. Luckily for them their opponents' weapons weren't working and neither were their supply services.
Basically yeah. They were out of stockpiles of everything (including trained and experience officers, NCOs, and troops, see the militia divisions for an example) and were just raising speedbump formations.

By your own stats it was 5:1 in AGC's sector, which means the other army groups would have to be inflicting >15:1 casualties to make it 10:1 across the front. Seems implausible.
My numbers were from David Stahel's Battle of Moscow. I think he might have gotten some details wrong, since other sources disagree:
What about casualties? Here is a table using Krivosheev for Soviet forces and Axis History Forum for German losses ( both sets of data refer only to only KIA,MIA,WIA ):


East Front Casualties
Losses By quarter
QuarterGermanSovietRatio
19413q41551,1892,795,6385.07
4q41279,8611,598,4565.71
19421q42280,2381,686,3556.02


Yes explosives were an issue. But direct fire artillery ameliorates the issue. Shell expenditure in direct fire mode was a small fraction of that required for indirect.
Of course, but it also dramatically increases artillery crew casualties. Losing trained crew that way is not sustainable.

I don't have figures but we can identify two fundamental factors:

  1. Shell dispersion scales directly with range: shells fired at 1,000m will have 1/10th the dispersion pattern as shells fired at 10,000m.
  2. Aiming indirect fires was a big problem for RKKA, who lacked the specialists and communications for accurate/timely fires.
Taking (1) and (2) together, RKKA probably expended >10x as many shells in indirect fire as in direct to achieve the same destructive effect. Again I doubt that figures exist for the % of shells expended indirect vs. direct but it was probably a ratio of ~10:1. So doubling direct fire artillery requires only, say, 10% increase in shell supply or a substitution away from indirect shell supply. Allies would be more than able to substitute explosives for armor in LL shipments, especially as they themselves would be shifting away from armor production in this ATL.

We could also just look at supply of tank shells as a proportion of total Soviet shell production. IIRC there are numbers out there; I suspect tank shells were a small fraction of Soviet shell production.
Sure, but the issue isn't simply about accuracy, it is also a problem of casualties as exposed artillery crew died a lot quicker that way, which is why they stopped doing it after 1942 if possible. That and it was much harder to mass guns for direct fire than indirect fire, as there were only so many positions for guns to fire directly on targets, which would mean the great masses of guns they had couldn't be used at the same time in that role; pretty hard to do saturation/destructive fires that way, especially if that meant German artillery observers could spot them in return and call in firestrikes on them. Losing crew and artillery pieced that way is simply not sustainable, hence why the Soviets stopped doing that when they could train enough crews to make indirect fire an option despite all the material/training constraints.

I think you're right about the tank shells. They could deprive artillery to make more tank gun HE shells for stand off firing, but then you also have to factor in barrel wear issues and the smoke from so many 'wheel to wheel' tank guns massed against certain points. And then of course as I mentioned before return fire from German artillery would have a nice juicy target. Part of the reason the Soviets were willing to take heavy tank losses in breakthrough attempts was due to the problem of German artillery; the Soviets innovated the 'grab them by the belt' tactic to deal with that and air strikes. IIRC it became doctrine during Stalingrad.

[QUOTE]Chuikov, however, was also a student of tactics. The Germans, he argued, had prevailed through complex combined-arms attacks. The broken terrain of an urban warfare environment like Stalingrad worked against that kind of sophistication. The Soviet commander used that to his advantage. Rather than simply sitting back and waiting for the Germans to batter him, Chuikov ordered his troops to ‘grab them by the belt’ and engage them as closely as possible, to fight not merely street by street and building by building, but floor by floor and room by room. Such tactics would neutralize the Germans’ firepower and would deny them even the limited maneuvering space they needed for tactical initiatives. It would also cost lives, but the Soviet Union had lives to spend. [/QUOTE]

Damned if you do, damned if you don't. German non-infantry firepower comes into play if Soviet armor decides to stand off and shoot it out to try and neutralize enough enemy infantry.

They were used in that role but not entirely or even primarily. Otherwise, if used as I suggest, they're rarely vulnerable to short-range weapons like Panzerfaust (which wasn't the case, as your numbers show).
I didn't mean stand off direct fire artillery; they would close with the enemy and fight them like infantry guns if needed, but would just as often try and overrun an infantry section (sometimes not even realizing they were there as the infantry held their fire until the Soviet infantry made an appearance so they could separate them and then hunt the tanks down with mines and grenades later) and let the infantry following deal with them. Might not work out so well if they faced smart infantry who were able to separate them and then shoot up tanks from a distance with panzerfausts. Or have a reserve section of AT infantry who would do that.

All true but then what does this say about the criticality of OTL Soviet tank employment? This seems to show that massive tank superiority was not the sine qua non of Soviet success OTL. I'm just trying to identify evidence that tanks were especially critical - rather than the panoply of weapons in which RKKA had overwhelming numerical superiority. The forgotten battles seem clear evidence that Soviet tank preponderance wasn't the difference between success and failure.
In the fighting in Belarus the terrain made it very difficult to employ tanks en masse. So they were more used as infantry support to try and break through so that the operational groups of exploiting tanks could do their job without getting chewed up in the fighting through defensive positions. The German tanks too suffered pretty badly when trying to counterattack in that terrain.

So without tank support breaking through was unlikely and extremely costly for infantry even with heavy artillery and air support. In fact Bagration really only worked due to the Germans being forced to strip out their reserves from AG-Center to send to AG-North Ukraine as a result of the collapse of the southern front during January-April 1944. Lacking reserves the Soviets were able to finally breakthrough German lines in Belarus since there was nothing left to stop them after the first lines were cracked. Even then the Soviets took 2:1 losses in the effort even with their major success after breakthroughs were achieved.

Agreed re the criticality of replacements but...


By the time you get to Bagration there's no hope of a negotiated peace.
That was IOTL, ITTL the Soviets might be far more bleed out by the time they were ready to even attempt such a thing.
Even IOTL if D-day were defeated I'd argue there was still a chance, since without Normandy the Germans could transfer the equivalent of an entire army group east if needed and counterattack when the Soviets got overextended in July.
Of course that is a different POD.

It's hard to see other big breakthroughs being sufficiently decisive that their absence allows stalemating the RKKA. The biggest other pockets (Cherkassy, Kamenets-Podolsky) were west of the Dniepr in early 1944 so probably also too late to stalemate RKKA (unless one argues that avoiding Cherkassy and K-P allows defeat of the Normandy landings, which I won't reject out of hand but seems a stretch).
You have to consider the cumulative impacts of attrition from a more effectively infantry AT weapon from 1941-43; the situation by early 1944 could be quite a bit different, especially if Stalingrad ends up playing out differently.

I'm not sure that's true (not sure it's wrong either). As I said earlier, RKKA got into trouble with logistics and counterattacks in its deep operations. See, e.g., Model's destruction of of a Soviet tank corps at Radzymin after Bagration and Balck's recapture of Zhitomir after Kiev. If RKKA is advancing methodically with armor employed only/primarily as an infantry support weapon, it avoids these kinds of reverses.
Sure, but it makes Soviet attrition worse since they have to use material they don't have and take longer to try and use firepower instead of manpower (or even more manpower to absorb casualties to protect tanks) to eliminate each successive position a la WW1 instead of using Deep Battle type tactics. That works for the Wallies due to their huge production and small armies, but for the Soviets who were materially challenged before 1944 (and to some degree even as late as 1945 as they were harvesting captured German munitions for explosives) they simply cannot afford tactics that require lots of explosives and stand off fighting. Again see the 'grab 'em by the belt' tactic to try and offset German material advantages.
 
it [direct fire artillery] also dramatically increases artillery crew casualties. Losing trained crew that way is not sustainable.

I'm no suggesting more traditional direct-fire artillery. Tanks are much less vulnerable in this role.

Tank crews are highly trained too; RKKA loses fewer of them in my sub-ATL.

casualties as exposed artillery crew died a lot quicker that way, which is why they stopped doing it after 1942 if possible.

What evidence that RKKA used less direct fire after 1942?

it was much harder to mass guns for direct fire than indirect fire, as there were only so many positions for guns to fire directly on targets

Again true for traditional direct fire arty, not really for tanks in this role.

Chuikov ordered his troops to ‘grab them by the belt’ and engage them as closely as possible, to fight not merely street by street and building by building, but floor by floor and room by room. Such tactics would neutralize the Germans’ firepower and would deny them even the limited maneuvering space they needed for tactical initiatives.

Are we sure this actually improved Soviet attrition ratios? I'm dubious. There's debate about attrition ratios in Stalingrad city fighting; it seems plausible that casualty ratios were just as unfavorable there as elsewhere.

It's easy to see why that might be: close-quarters fighting relies on devolved initiative and requires better communications to maintain C&C, relative to a wide-scope, set-piece battle. These conditions amplify German strengths. Chuikov's analysis assumes that German advantage lay in firepower rather than troop quality, which is extremely dubious.

Damned if you do, damned if you don't. German non-infantry firepower comes into play if Soviet armor decides to stand off and shoot it out to try and neutralize enough enemy infantry.

Agreed but "damned if you do/don't" is kind of my point. I'm not saying you're wrong that PzF wouldn't be better for Germany, just that ultimately there are adaptations that retain something that is perhaps not decisively different from OTL - a qualitatively inferior RKKA retains options to prevail via inferior tactics and material preponderance.

they would close with the enemy and fight them like infantry guns if needed, but would just as often try and overrun an infantry section (sometimes not even realizing they were there as the infantry held their fire until the Soviet infantry made an appearance so they could separate them and then hunt the tanks down with mines and grenades later) and let the infantry following deal with them. Might not work out so well if they faced smart infantry who were able to separate them and then shoot up tanks from a distance with panzerfausts. Or have a reserve section of AT infantry who would do that.

It wouldn't entirely negate PzF of course because, yes, sometimes the German will get a shot at Soviet tanks. But across the whole range of encounters a shift in Soviet tactics would ameliorate PzF's impact.

You have to consider the cumulative impacts of attrition from a more effectively infantry AT weapon from 1941-43; the situation by early 1944 could be quite a bit different, especially if Stalingrad ends up playing out differently.

Yes - again not saying no impact. Just trying to be push your ATL forward by suggesting discrete outcomes and possible responses.

You could argue, for example, that PzF nullifying operational freedom for Soviet armored spearheads after Stalingrad prevents the chaotic retreats from the Don in which much equipment and PoW were lost, and that this changes force ratios for Ostheer sufficiently to hold the Dniepr in 1943.

Then again, one could respond that if the Soviets don't break out into operational freedom after Stalingrad there's no backhand blow later and maybe there's a more methodical push to the Dniepr in 1Q '43.

it makes Soviet attrition worse since they have to use material they don't have

My suggestion of a shift towards shells comes from freed tank production in one version of Soviet adaptation though. All they need is more explosives but the West seemed willing to answer their requests. In other words, it seems like SU could have had more explosives if they wanted that but instead they were focused more on armor OTL.

a la WW1 instead of using Deep Battle type tactics.

Again I'm suggesting that Deep Battle was overrated and the Soviets might have been better served to stay within their core competencies - methodical battle applying material/numerical preponderance - rather than trying to demonstrate German-style operational flair.
 
I'm no suggesting more traditional direct-fire artillery. Tanks are much less vulnerable in this role.
Ok. Agreed, but tanks are much more expensive than a 76mm field gun or infantry gun doing the same job.

Tank crews are highly trained too; RKKA loses fewer of them in my sub-ATL.
Not really if you've read about how training for T-34s went. Which also explains why casualties were so insane for the tank arm. IOTL 300,000 out of 400,000 were killed. Not casualties, just killed. Wounded were on top of that.
I doubt they'd lose less with your tactics especially if it prevented breakthroughs.

What evidence that RKKA used less direct fire after 1942?
I'm speaking about artillery. For one thing the massing of fires after 1942 was quite a bit higher. Also by 1943 the war situation allowed for a lot more training and lower losses among the artillery arm.

The breakthrough of German tanks forced orders to use artillery in direct fire roles since 1941.

Again true for traditional direct fire arty, not really for tanks in this role.
There are still only so many places they could set up to fire on a target. And the more you mass the more juicy an artillery or AT gun target they are. It's a lot easier to spot tanks than dug in AT guns.

Are we sure this actually improved Soviet attrition ratios? I'm dubious. There's debate about attrition ratios in Stalingrad city fighting; it seems plausible that casualty ratios were just as unfavorable there as elsewhere.

It's easy to see why that might be: close-quarters fighting relies on devolved initiative and requires better communications to maintain C&C, relative to a wide-scope, set-piece battle. These conditions amplify German strengths. Chuikov's analysis assumes that German advantage lay in firepower rather than troop quality, which is extremely dubious.
Yes from the perspective of overall attrition. Artillery is the biggest killer as mentioned, so staying away from artillery and air strikes would reduce losses more than staying further from MGs; thing is Panzerfausts would be pocket artillery that can be direct fired and the danger zone for it is much less than even mortars, so they can be liberally used against infantry even in the open, but especially in urban areas and other close terrain without much issue...other than being spotted, but that is what your squad-mates are for: suppressive fire.

Do you have any stats for both sides about casualties in the city proper? I'd actually be very interested to know what the casualty rates were per week even.

The Soviets played a different card in Stalingrad: willingness to wear down enemy veteran infantry through attrition against a bunch of low quality, poorly trained recruits who were less valuable than the German infantry, which could not be replaced nearly as well (IIRC about 6:1 replacement were available to the Soviets in 1942) due to all the other fronts that the Germans were committed to, even occupation of relatively quiet areas to deter resistance and invasion by Britain.

The German advantage did lay in firepower in 1942, though individual initiative and combined arms training was a major force multiplier. In terms of artillery shell usage and quality of artillery and small arms the Germans were significantly ahead of the Soviets until 1944 IIRC.

Agreed but "damned if you do/don't" is kind of my point. I'm not saying you're wrong that PzF wouldn't be better for Germany, just that ultimately there are adaptations that retain something that is perhaps not decisively different from OTL - a qualitatively inferior RKKA retains options to prevail via inferior tactics and material preponderance.
My point was material preponderance wasn't possible due to the explosive shortage. Throwing men and tanks at the enemy was really the only viable option the Soviets had in 1941-43. Material only became less of a problem in 1944 thanks to Lend-Lease and other fronts siphoning off resources that would otherwise have been used in the East, while strategic bombing blunted German armaments.

But if there is much greater attrition (even 5% more each year is pretty friggin' bad for the Soviets) until 1944 when the material issues ease the vicious cycle has already wrought its damage on the Soviets so they are substantially weaker come 1944 when material makes it more possible to fight with less blood to achieve success. Especially if the Soviet advance was not nearly as good, because that means a virtuous cycle has been playing out for the Germans, who are now say 5-10% less bled out compared to OTL each year.

It wouldn't entirely negate PzF of course because, yes, sometimes the German will get a shot at Soviet tanks. But across the whole range of encounters a shift in Soviet tactics would ameliorate PzF's impact.
Right, but those mitigations will dramatically reduce the effectiveness of Soviet armor. And you're leaving out the anti-infantry and anti-bunker role the PzF played. Not to mention urban combat. RPGs today have much the same mission and are effectively the equivalent of a direct fire mortar (i.e. worth about 3 MGs) against infantry targets per operations research in modern conflicts.

Less aggressive Soviet armor prevents them from being decisive breakthrough weapons.

Yes - again not saying no impact. Just trying to be push your ATL forward by suggesting discrete outcomes and possible responses.
Understood and appreciated. I'm just arguing a position, not trying to say your position or arguments (even devil's advocate ones) are invalid or that I necessarily disagree.

You could argue, for example, that PzF nullifying operational freedom for Soviet armored spearheads after Stalingrad prevents the chaotic retreats from the Don in which much equipment and PoW were lost, and that this changes force ratios for Ostheer sufficiently to hold the Dniepr in 1943.
Indeed I would.

Then again, one could respond that if the Soviets don't break out into operational freedom after Stalingrad there's no backhand blow later and maybe there's a more methodical push to the Dniepr in 1Q '43.
Also quite true. But a methodical push would be more costly and slower, which is, for good reason, anathema to Soviet doctrine since it results in even higher losses.

My suggestion of a shift towards shells comes from freed tank production in one version of Soviet adaptation though. All they need is more explosives but the West seemed willing to answer their requests. In other words, it seems like SU could have had more explosives if they wanted that but instead they were focused more on armor OTL.
How much explosives do you think are freed up from tank shells ITTL? 76mm cannon shells don't have a lot. They could make more 76mm dual purpose cannon shells (divisional guns in Soviet infantry divisions) but those are at best suppressive fire and we get into the above argument if the Soviets were going to get into direct fire missions with those. They'd be better off with infantry guns if they were going to focus more on direct fire guns.

The US had a limit to what explosives they could contribute to the Soviets, because LL was also supplying the Brits (3x as much LL to them IOTL) and many other countries plus their own armies. So it is a zero-sum situation, who gets less of what to make more explosives for the Soviets and what are the Soviets giving up in hull space in transports for the displaced L-L?

More artillery means less exploitation and less exploitation means a much slower, more costly conflict, since it was the big Soviet pockets that actually got them the favorable casualty ratios and big bleed out of German forces. Plus there are diminishing returns with more artillery use.

Again I'm suggesting that Deep Battle was overrated and the Soviets might have been better served to stay within their core competencies - methodical battle applying material/numerical preponderance - rather than trying to demonstrate German-style operational flair.
Deep Battle is overrated overall, but in terms of it being the doctrine that was the best bet for the Soviets I think it was the least bad option for them. The big problem with it was the very poor use of it until 1944-45. The forces trying to implement it were not capable of carrying it out against the German forces of 1941-43.
Set piece operational advances were the Soviet wheel-house, they were not up for more free-form maneuver warfare. If they try the slow grind they'd never get to the 1941 border let alone win the war. Their economy was incapable of it, let alone their manpower, and even the US had economic limits to support them and was hitting some financial ones by 1945.
 
In terms of artillery shell usage and quality of artillery and small arms the Germans were significantly ahead of the Soviets until 1944 IIRC.

They were always ahead in shell expenditure, even in 1944. This post on another forum is pretty good.

Nonetheless it's simplistic, IMO, to say that "the shell is the weapon." (as one guest on WW2TV recently argued). A shell has a different combat value depending on from what and where it's fired. Again the relationship between dispersion and aiming problems for longer distances. Soviet shells were more efficient, per ton, for this reason. Yes, it cost them artillerists but by 1942 RKKA had given up on training those guys to a high standard anyway and, unlike Germany or Western armies, could afford to have them killed more often. I'm not arguing that their approach was overall better (though maybe it was), just that they used shells more efficiently (ceteris paribus and before adjusting for manpower quality). To use shells in this way required a much greater investment in number of barrels (and their prime movers) and in number of men manning the guns.

The shell is not weapon, the weapon is the weapon and the shell is the shell.

Aside from shell supply, RKKA had an obviously enormous advantage in every other category that determines firepower.

Do you have any stats for both sides about casualties in the city proper? I'd actually be very interested to know what the casualty rates were per week even.

I don't. The quickest googling turned up this result on Quora, suggesting ~4:1 ratio of dead. That's in line with, or better for Ostheer than, the ~5:1 average of 1942-43 battles with the Germans defending (a prepared defense being worth ~1.5x in combat power).

The Soviets played a different card in Stalingrad: willingness to wear down enemy veteran infantry through attrition against a bunch of low quality, poorly trained recruits who were less valuable than the German infantry

That was always the card they played (plus armor and arty) - it was the only one they had after 1941.

So it is a zero-sum situation, who gets less of what to make more explosives for the Soviets and what are the Soviets giving up in hull space in transports for the displaced L-L?

Not on a timeline of many months or even a year. If RKKA's tanks are nearly worthless in 1941 they give FDR a different shopping list in 1941. That leaves plenty of time to adjust industrial planning and labor distribution. During the Shell Crisis in Northwest Europe in late 1944, US rapidly increased shell output in a few months (though didn't really have time to ship the increased output before the ETO ended).

If they try the slow grind they'd never get to the 1941 border let alone win the war.

I'm not even saying you're wrong, just that I'm not quite convinced. As you note in the other thread, I have what some might consider an obsession with quantitative/analytical evaluation - what I consider embodied by "Trust in God, all others need data."

it was the big Soviet pockets that actually got them the favorable casualty ratios and big bleed out of German forces.

Aside from Stalingrad and Bagration, I don't see this in the numbers. Maybe 100k PoW besides those two?

If you're right that Stalingrad doesn't happen with earlier PzF then there's maybe something cooking here. I don't see Hitler allowing a retreat from the Volga, however, and therefore see 6A's destruction even if Uranus is a slower convergence on Kalach.

Re Bagration, again I think that's just too late to matter much (I also don't see Hitler abandoning Vitebsk or Mogilev against slower encirclements). Bagration allowed a quick rush to Vistula, after which RKKA sat there for 6 months. If they reach the Vistula 2 months later I don't see much difference being made to RKKA size/equipment in January 1945 when the Vistula-Order operation begins.
 
They were always ahead in shell expenditure, even in 1944. This post on another forum is pretty good.
Ah yes that post. I bought the book that the German numbers are based on and cannot find anything that supports the numbers given in that chart. When I inquired as to where exactly those numbers came from within the book I was never given a relevant response. So I'm highly skeptical that those numbers are accurate for the German ones. Sadly typical for Russian historians, good numbers about official Soviet stats (there is at least decent arguments in the historical community about how accurate those are), but generally bad ones about the German side.

Nonetheless it's simplistic, IMO, to say that "the shell is the weapon." (as one guest on WW2TV recently argued).
It is accurate to a point as the shell is the bit that actually does the damage. You're right though that that is a bit overly simplistic in terms of actual military purpose. Thanks for the link, I'll check that out. I haven't been overly impressed with that channel though.

Edit:
That interviewee is such a midwit it is painful. Thinks he's got the entire conflict figured out, but is repeating a bunch of modern Russian internet myths about the war.

A shell has a different combat value depending on from what and where it's fired. Again the relationship between dispersion and aiming problems for longer distances.
Agreed. But the explosive value is the same regardless of how far it can be flung and how accurately, which I think is the point the person was arguing, not that I've watched that argument yet.

Soviet shells were more efficient, per ton, for this reason. Yes, it cost them artillerists but by 1942 RKKA had given up on training those guys to a high standard anyway and, unlike Germany or Western armies, could afford to have them killed more often. I'm not arguing that their approach was overall better (though maybe it was), just that they used shells more efficiently (ceteris paribus and before adjusting for manpower quality). To use shells in this way required a much greater investment in number of barrels (and their prime movers) and in number of men manning the guns.

The shell is not weapon, the weapon is the weapon and the shell is the shell.
How do you figure that the Soviet ones were more efficient? Direct firing? Given their losses and defeat I'd argue that that efficiency was more a 'penny-wise, pound-foolish' type given the combat results and casualties, which created a vicious cycle of lower accuracy the quicker trained troops were killed.

Given actual combat results German methods were vastly more efficient and effective.

Aside from shell supply, RKKA had an obviously enormous advantage in every other category that determines firepower.
If you don't have shells the rest doesn't matter, because the means of projecting the shell are useless without the shell.

I don't. The quickest googling turned up this result on Quora, suggesting ~4:1 ratio of dead. That's in line with, or better for Ostheer than, the ~5:1 average of 1942-43 battles with the Germans defending (a prepared defense being worth ~1.5x in combat power).
Wait how is 4:1 better than 5:1?

That was always the card they played (plus armor and arty) - it was the only one they had after 1941.
Agreed. But it was one that was a losing strategy unless they could advance quickly and seize more population to recruit from given their replacement exhaustion of core territories in 1943.

Not on a timeline of many months or even a year. If RKKA's tanks are nearly worthless in 1941 they give FDR a different shopping list in 1941. That leaves plenty of time to adjust industrial planning and labor distribution. During the Shell Crisis in Northwest Europe in late 1944, US rapidly increased shell output in a few months (though didn't really have time to ship the increased output before the ETO ended).
A different shopping list means a zero-sum removal of something else. What would that be and how would it distort the Soviet war effort? Also I'm not arguing Soviet tanks would be useless in 1941, since the Panzerfaust would only enter service in August 1941 and wouldn't reach major production levels until 1942. Given Soviet disregard for losses I'd think they largely wouldn't change their methods until 1942 or 43 depending on losses to the Panzerfaust. At a certain point casualties would be too heavy to continue with existing methods, but it would take a while given the range and availability of early Panzerfaust models.

IMHO 1943 is when a change could be forced by the circumstances, but then much will depend on whether Stalin/Uranus/Little Saturn/Mars are different due to the increasing numbers of Panzerfausts and increasing performance. Different results/worse losses in those campaigns could radically change the following years' operations.

If the US increased shell production quickly, but didn't manage to ship them before the end of the war then that tells us they cannot really change on a dime quickly especially given the longer shipping times to Russia and the problem of internal movement of LL given the vast distances from available ports to the front. Also more shells ≠ more explosive production, it could simply just means a diversion of production from one set of munitions to another given that building new chemical facilities would take time, same with expanding existing facilities.

I'm not even saying you're wrong, just that I'm not quite convinced. As you note in the other thread, I have what some might consider an obsession with quantitative/analytical evaluation - what I consider embodied by "Trust in God, all others need data."
Fair enough. Data is important, its just not an end all be all given how many variables were at play, many we might not even factor in properly, and how even tweeking some can have outsized effects due to how it changes the 'synergy' of the variables. Quant stuff is a simplified abstraction of reality; it certainly can be useful, but it can also distort perceptions if you don't have the variables accurate and unfortunately we often need to rely on our intuition to try and figure out the truth of the matter by constantly challenging the numbers and accepted 'wisdom'.

Aside from Stalingrad and Bagration, I don't see this in the numbers. Maybe 100k PoW besides those two?
Korsun saw a 2:1 casualty ratio and stripping of German forces of their heavy equipment that was difficult to replace in large masses like that. That was on order of Bagration, just smaller. Same later with 'Hube's Pocket'. Then there were the small pockets, like Rovno, Brody, and Tarnopol. Earlier Veliykie Luki (sp?) at the same time as Mars.
The Soviets could afford a 2:1 ratio. Even a 3:1. 4:1 is pushing it by 1944.

If you're right that Stalingrad doesn't happen with earlier PzF then there's maybe something cooking here. I don't see Hitler allowing a retreat from the Volga, however, and therefore see 6A's destruction even if Uranus is a slower convergence on Kalach.
I suppose ultimately it comes down to whether the new weapon would change things enough between 1941-1942 to allow for the capture of the city earlier and ending of the attrition there so that reserves could be distributed on the flanks. Well that or the avoidance of the destruction of Romanian, Italian, and Hungarian armies after Uranus due to greater AT capabilities for the infantry. Soviet tactics were still ham-handed enough to allow for even short ranged infantry weapons to deal with massed armor provided there was a sufficient supply of them; given how many you could make relative to AT guns and tanks I'd imagine if production were in the millions by late 1942 even the 60m version would be available enough to the Axis minor allies to let them survive. Especially given that the Axis allies didn't lack for courage, they lacked material.

IMHO 6A being destroyed is survivable provided the Axis minor allies can mostly survive at the same time and bleed out the Soviet advance worse than IOTL in the process. Though if they do that then it is entirely possible for Manstein's counterattack to break through to the pocketed 6th Army.

Re Bagration, again I think that's just too late to matter much (I also don't see Hitler abandoning Vitebsk or Mogilev against slower encirclements).
Hitler didn't have to authorize it, the corps commander did it anyway, but the pockets were closed too fast once the order was given to pull back to the 2nd line. If the pockets are closed slower most of the corps there could actually fall back intact by sacrificing a division each. That would severely screw the Soviet operational plan up and allow time for the reinforcements sent from elsewhere to hold the 2nd line.

Bagration allowed a quick rush to Vistula, after which RKKA sat there for 6 months. If they reach the Vistula 2 months later I don't see much difference being made to RKKA size/equipment in January 1945 when the Vistula-Order operation begins.
If they reached it 2 months later, they are probably more bled out and they can't attack before March 1945 or even later. That gives the Germans more time to make more weapons and prepare defenses as well as deal with other fronts. Of course much depends on the situation by that point and how many more Axis troops survive.
 
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That was more FDR than Truman. Truman was picked as Wallace's replacement in 1944 because he wasn't a Stalin fanatic. So if the war goes on long enough and the Allies can't get a foothold in France then it might be that the A-bomb is never used in Europe. Much would depend on how long the war goes and what the war situation is. You could be right that it is used eventually.

Mass production however would take until 1946 IIRC. So the war should be over one way or the other by then.


What have you read? I can't find reference to it being hard to see with radar.


The problem is breaking through for the Soviets; much harder if you can't just mass tanks to roll over infantry at will.
The late introduction of the PzF prevented it from being useful and the short ranged versions mostly available IOTL late in the war weren't enough to do more than increase casualties. However with it being available in significant numbers by winter 1941 Soviet armor losses, when they were at their weakest, is going to be even worse. By 1942 things will start getting pretty ugly when the PzF 60 and 100 show up in very large numbers, probably the millions that year, and infantry-tank cooperation is not good. Stalingrad and the Don river battles are going to be especially costly if as you mentioned earlier the Italians, Romanians, and Hungarians have enough of their own PzFs to fight back. Stalingrad might even fall if the infantry have their own 'pocket artillery' to deploy around the city as needed. If a breakthrough on the Don isn't achieved and the Axis allies fall back intact thanks to Soviet tanks not surviving to exploit their success then the Soviets will be in real trouble come 1943.

Large scale use of the PzF 150 in 1943 would be pretty rough for the Soviets as well even with artillery, Studebakers, and lots of T-34s. By itself it won't stop breakthroughs, but the increased attrition of Soviet armor would prevent the major leaps they were able to achieve in 1943, since they'd burn up their armor even more quickly. I'm not simply speaking fantastically either, in 1943 and 1944 the Soviets lost as many tanks in combat as they produced that year:

This link even includes Soviet production and losses per month:

Comparative figures [19]
19411942194319441945Total
Soviet Tank strength(1)22,6007,70020,60021,10025,400
Soviet Tank Production6,27424,63919,95916,9754,38472,231
Soviet Tank losses20,50015,00022,40016,9008,70083,500

That doesn't account for Lend-Lease tanks though, which would explain the increase in tanks in 1944 despite losing more in 1943 than they produced. The Panzerfaust only was just starting to enter production in significant numbers IOTL 1943. The first 500 were delivered in August 1943. Again remember that the standard model, the PzF 60, only entered service in early 1944 and only reach full production (400k units per month) in September 1944 IOTL AFTER Normandy and Bagration.

That is when they became the most lethal:

Which explains the very hesitant performance of the British in Normandy and why it was so costly to try and take Caen.

In the Berlin operation the Soviet 2nd Guards Tank Army lost at least 25% of its tanks in the entire campaign, more inside the city, to Panzerfausts.

BTW the Panzerschrek would be replaced by the PzF 150 ITTL, since it would do the same thing more cheaply, so there would be even greater economies of scale and operation since they had to produce only a single AT weapon rather than the Panzerschreck, Panzerfaust, magnetic mines, hand thrown HEAT grenades, HEAT rifle grenades, etc.

Given loss rates like that if moved up two years earlier the Soviets would have been losing more tanks than they could make and get via L-L by 1943, which means by 1944-45 the Soviets are going to be running short on tanks rather than expanding the number they have in service. It could even mean that any analogue to the Citadel operation might see the Soviets lose due to increased loss of of tanks in the previous months AND German infantry being able to destroy Soviet tanks much more easily during the battle. Again remember the PzF was introduced in August 1943 months after Kursk and only a few hundred of the 30 meter version.

Same would apply to the Wallies, since they'd be facing them in Africa and Italy. Panzerfausts in the fighting around El Alamein and Tunisia would make it especially costly for the Americans and Brits, as Axis infantry, especially the Italians, were pretty much defenseless if attacked by tanks. Here they wouldn't be, which makes it much harder for the Wallies to advance. Same in Sicily and Tunisia. The longer the advance is delayed the more costly it would be, which would further limit the advance rate.

4.7.46,on american national holiday,soviets murdered 37 jews in Kilelce.American ambassador reported that it was soviet doing,Truman did nothing.Just like when soviets faked election in Poland.
So,if he followed soviets in 1946 in OTL,he would follow them during longer war,too.

2.Nowa technika wojskowa Historia,polish militart newspaper.Forget month,unfortunatelly.

3.Soviets break through german lines thanks to artillery and infrantry,or,to be precise,penal battalions.They bombarded germans for 30 minutes,send penal battalions,germans gunned them down,artillery observers notet where bunkers are,next barrage/2-3 hours/ take entire german lines down.

After that - soviets do not need fight german infrantry,only encircle them,becouse they have Studebackers,and germans have their own foot.Once german infrantry dyvisions are encircled,their PzF do not help them,becouse they foudl fight soviet infrantry waiting for them in field fortyfications.

So,from 1944,when soviets finally learned to coordinate tanks,infranttry and artillery,PZF woud matter only in urban fighting.
 
4.7.46,on american national holiday,soviets murdered 37 jews in Kilelce.American ambassador reported that it was soviet doing,Truman did nothing.Just like when soviets faked election in Poland.
He did threaten the Soviets with nuclear war in 1946 if they didn't honor their agreements to leave Iran. He picked and chose his battles with Stalin given that US policy was still cooperation with the Soviets to make the peace after WW2 durable. Full break with the Soviets didn't come until later. Plus don't forget Truman started immediately eliminating communists from the government, starting with firing Morgenthau (who had a bunch of communist agents in his department) in June 1945, which eliminated the highest level spy the Soviets had in the US government.

So,if he followed soviets in 1946 in OTL,he would follow them during longer war,too.
Maybe, maybe not. Truman, once he got his bearings since he was unprepared for the presidency by the dying FDR, did start immediately diverging from FDR's subservience to Stalin, which alarmed the Soviets and probably helped lead to the breakdown in relations so quickly after the war.

2.Nowa technika wojskowa Historia,polish militart newspaper.Forget month,unfortunatelly.
Not sure how accurate that is relative to American sources, since it was our aircraft. I think you're confusing the B-35 for the B-2 or Horten flying wing. The German wing bomber project was stealthy in the way the Mosquito was due to the wooden construction.

3.Soviets break through german lines thanks to artillery and infrantry,or,to be precise,penal battalions.They bombarded germans for 30 minutes,send penal battalions,germans gunned them down,artillery observers notet where bunkers are,next barrage/2-3 hours/ take entire german lines down.
That often failed due as a tactic. If it were so simple the Soviets wouldn't have taken nearly so many losses in 1944-45. After all during Bagration the Soviets took days to fight their way through the German defenses and probably would have stalled out if there had been any significant reserves left in AG-Center.

After that - soviets do not need fight german infrantry,only encircle them,becouse they have Studebackers,and germans have their own foot.Once german infrantry dyvisions are encircled,their PzF do not help them,becouse they foudl fight soviet infrantry waiting for them in field fortyfications.
That's the issue, exploitation units could only be inserted once the line was broken open. If there were sufficient reserves that generally failed. See the fighting at Rzhev and in Belarus in 1943-April 1944. So infantry having a direct fire AT/explosive rocket weapon would make it much harder to breakthrough and allow for limited penetrations to be dealt with.

Interestingly I've also come across reports about the extensive use of Panzerfausts against enemy infantry, especially on the Eastern Front. One report even said 84% of infantry casualties inflicted by frontline infantry units (company level and below) by one army in 1944 was through Panzerfausts and Panzerschrecks. The Panzerfausts of the time had 1.5kg of explosives, more than twice the explosive content of the American 'pineapple' grenades (about 600g), which were noted for being especially dangerous due to the lethal radius of the blast. So Panzerfausts were equivalent to direct fire mortars and against massed Soviet infantry on the defensive the PzF was a quite effective and lethal weapon. Much like how modern insurgents use RPGs as 'pocket artillery' the PzF was used as an all purpose explosive weapon, not much different from how the US and UK used their bazookas and PIATs, just more effective. After all by 1945 the US airborne was issuing captured Panzerfausts as standard gear once they had captured enough of them. Seems like the Soviets did too for the engineer assault units.

So,from 1944,when soviets finally learned to coordinate tanks,infranttry and artillery,PZF woud matter only in urban fighting.
Apparently due to the heavy decline in quality of Soviet infantry in 1944-45 infantry-armor coordination would still frequently breakdown. See the Seelowe Heights for an example of when a weak defensive force was able to hold off the crushingly superior Soviet force for a while and still inflict a surprising amount of losses with Panzerfausts. It is claimed that they were running out of ammo too, so had that not happened the Soviets could have suffered quite a bit worse.
 

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