Alternate History Vivat Stilicho!

406 AD: An Unsung Miracle on the Rhine
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    December 31, the Year of Our Lord 406

    Respendial[1] grimaced as he surveyed the carnage before him. Thousands of corpses lay strewn across the snowy riverbank, not one of them having made it across the frozen water before being felled by an arrow, spear or ax. All were stripped of their armor and arms, if not their clothes, and more than a few were missing their heads as well. The bloody outlines from which other bodies had clearly been moved must have belonged to the Frankish enemies who died felling them, the Alan surmised. He should have guessed something like this had happened from the fell wind that had been blowing in his face the entire way here. Truly, a disaster for his Vandal allies – and yet the loss of so many warriors was not, in his estimation, as grave a loss as those of the three men whose heads decorated the three tall stakes their enemies had erected at the very edge of the Rhine[2].

    The Alan king knew well who the head on the tallest stake belonged to: Godigisel, the Hasding king of the Vandals whom he had considered a valuable ally in the war with the Romans. Not so valuable after all, clearly. Why did Tabiti[3] see fit to curse me with such reckless allies? Fool, you should have waited for me instead of running into the teeth of their defenses alone, Respendial thought grimly. He didn’t look so noble now, his shaggy straw hair matted with dried blood and eyes reduced to hollows after the birds had been at them. Still, no matter how imbecilic he thought Godegisel had been for rushing into battle without him, the man had still been an ally and Respendial could not fault his courage; so out of respect, the Alan removed his helm and bowed his head for just a moment, allowing his tawny curls to whip about freely in the winter winds.

    Next Respendial scrutinized the heads flanking Godigisel’s. To his right rested the head of his son and heir, the gallant Gunderic who revered his One God so greatly in life[4], and to his left that of a younger man Respendial struggled to recognize at first. Ah yes, it came to him as he narrowed his eyes to focus on the latter’s features; one of Godigisel’s sons by a slave concubine. Gaiseric[5]. He remembered now, in life that head had belonged to a young and overeager warrior who insisted on attending their war council despite his low birth and who his father favored enough to allow to sit at his left hand. Not that that favor seemed to have done him any more good than his brother’s faith in the One God.

    “My…my king,” One Alan nobleman to his side finally uttered as Respendial replaced his helmet, his nervous voice breaking the grim silence. Despite the splendid scale armor he was dressed in, his apparent fear ensured his stature would be less than impressive. “It is obvious that our allies have been dealt a crushing defeat. Still, our scouts report that the army which did this have retired to their camp a ways to the west, far enough from this riverbank that we will not have to fight them on the ice if we pursue. Shall – shall we still cross as the sun sets?”

    “Nay,” Respendial huffed, shaking his head. To his mute annoyance, the nobleman asking him this question seemed visibly relieved at his decision. “I will not fight them without mighty allies of my own. Take down the heads of my friend Godegisel and his sons, and see to it that he and all his warriors are put to rest honorably. Search for any surviving stragglers and their families as well, those who wish to join us will find themselves welcome. Then we will turn back.”

    “But, father!” A younger noble cried out on his other side, clearly disappointed in the choice the king had made unlike the lily-livered nobleman across from him. “Surely our foes are themselves exhausted and bloodied, thanks to the valiant efforts of our fallen friends. If we cross now, we might be able to take them by surprise and avenge the Vandals – “

    “And die at the hands of whatever reinforcements they might have at hand, as surely as Godegisel and his kin did at their own hands?” Respendial shot back, cutting off the over-bold words of his son Attaces[6]. “I say once again, nay. I will not needlessly risk our own lives; any enemy powerful enough to defeat the Vandals on their own can do the same to us, now that we are alone. We will cross and search for more fertile pastures past this accursed river only when I have found a replacement for Godegisel and his host.”

    There was still time, the Alan ruler decided as he turned his steed around. He could cross some other year, when the risk of defeat and annihilation was less great. Surely the ravening demons from the far east who drove them from their native Sarmatia were still many years away from where they stood now, such had been the haste of their flight from their homeland. Equally surely, one of these days the Romans would become less watchful on this particular frontier or another, and then he would show them why they should fear the Alans vastly more than the Vandals they’d dealt with today. For now though, he would have to reach out to those Suebi tribes behind him and sacrifice generously to appease the gods, if he was to have any better luck next time.

    ---------------------------------------------

    Some 600 miles to the southeast, another Vandal – by blood at least, if not quite in manner – sat in his tent outside Salona and intently pored over a map, completely unaware of the massive bullet ballista bolt he and the empire he served had just dodged. The Rhenish frontier was the furthest thing from Flavius Stilicho’s mind that day; as far as the magister militum[7] knew, he had left the defense of the Western Roman Empire’s northernmost continental border in the capable hands of Arigius, Comes Treverorum and redeemed son of his old enemy Arbogast[8], and his Frankish foederati[9]. Last he’d heard a month prior, Arigius was reporting that the Vandals were massing on the far bank of the Rhine but that he was confident he had the strength to repel whatever incursion they dared make, and with greater concerns on his mind Stilicho had been quite happy to just take his lieutenant’s word for it.

    No, on this cold last day of the year, the Romano-Vandalic commander was busy planning out his offensive against the Eastern Roman Empire with his generals and pondering the events that had led him to this point as he traced his fingers over the map and mentally calculated his next moves. The court of Constantinople had betrayed him again and again, and so he had no love for them – indeed just the thought of their many stabs-in-the back made him taste bile and narrow his eyes in cold anger. First that vain and treacherous Rufinus had dared spit on their master Theodosius’ will, denying him the regency over the Eastern Emperor Arcadius[10] who was then promptly corrupted into (even more of) a worthless sot by the decadent ways of the Orient, and they’d even kept him from crushing the vile Goth warlord Gainas when he had the latter dead to rights. Gainas appropriately rewarded Rufinus with a sword in the back, but that worm had been succeeded by an even greedier and more insidious eunuch, Eutropius, who was all painted smiles as he further undermined Stilicho and even incited the Moor Gildo to rise against him.

    And now this prefect Anthemius[11] came with honeyed words, claiming to want to reconcile the two Augusti and their courts? Fat chance, Stilicho would not be taken for a fool a third time. He would march east and at minimum tear the half of the Praetorian prefecture of Illyrium assigned to Constantinople away from Arcadius’ slack grip, at most cast this Anthemius into the grave and finally assert his right to steward the other half of the Roman Empire as Theodosius had dictated he should. Of course Arcadius was by now too old, and still too sane, to have a regent; but Stilicho could make do with being named the East’s magister militum, as he already was in the West[12]. Honorius, Arcadius’ younger brother and the Western Emperor under his power, had been quite content to let Stilicho do all the work of defending his half of the empire; he had little reason to suspect Arcadius would be any less pliant once left with no other choice, if such a man could be so easily bossed around by eunuchs and his late wife Eudoxia.

    “We have strength enough to strike all across the border with the East,” Stilicho decided out loud, beginning to draw lines from legionary bases in Illyria to cities in the Moesian and Dacian provinces with his finger. “I will cross the Savus[13] and assail Singidunum myself with Eucherius[14] at my right hand. Alaric[15], you and your warriors are to strike ahead of us and lay siege to Viminacium. Sarus[16], I trust you can navigate the mountains to the south and take Diocleia. Once we have overcome the fortress-cities on the border, we will march to unite our armies around Naissus; with any luck Anthemius, not being a eunuch like Eutropius as far as I know, will face us on the field of battle like a man, and so spare us the need to devastate the rest of the Peninsula of Haemus[17] to bring him to heel.” The general tapped a finger on the lost province of Dacia Traiana[18], now inhabited by the Ostrogoths and subjugated by the Huns. “I will also call upon my friend Uldin[19] to harry Thrace, forcing Anthemius to choose between dividing his forces or allowing the Huns to ravage as far as those walls he’s building around Constantinople.”

    “Seems a rather cautious strategy to me, great general.” Came Alaric’s gravelly voice, the Latin marred by his thick Germanic accent. “While you and Sarus reduce the border fortresses, your fleet could simply sail around the Peloponnese and deliver me to Attica. You fear this Anthemius may be reluctant to fight us, and that there’s a chance he might cower behind those walls he’s building? I’ll leave him no choice by taking Athens. Better still, he’ll have to divide his forces to deal with us on separate ends of the prefecture, and so we’ll be able to crush him more easily.” The russet-haired Gothic king crossed his arms and looked Stilicho in the eye, his gray locking with his overlord’s amber ones. Behind him his student, a half-Goth teenager who Stilicho remembered was named Aetius[20], watched both men like a hawk.

    “That course is too reckless, Alaric.” Stilicho shook his head without breaking eye contact. “You are assuming too little of Anthemius. If he saw us divide our forces over such a distance, and was not as great a fool as Rufinus and Eutropius before him, he would take the full might of the Orient and march against our separate armies before we can consolidate. Then it will be us who will be defeated in detail.” With his other hand, he began tracing lines from Italy’s ports to those of the Eastern Empire. In truth, he wasn’t just thinking about the strategic risks of Alaric’s suggestion, but also concerned that the Visigothic king might rise against him yet again if left to his own devices. Flaxen-haired Sarus, as physically imposing and magnificently bearded as the other Goth standing across from him, smirked at the sight of Stilicho beginning to shoot his rival down, while Alaric’s annoyance began to show on his own face.

    “Nay, the fleet will keep Anthemius’ ships bottled up in their harbors, but I will not have them ferry your Goths into Attica or beyond. Instead, we will strictly march overland, and closely enough that Anthemius will never get a chance to pick our armies off one by one. If anything, it should be him who must choose whether to divide his forces or concentrate against either us or Uldin. Any objections?” None came. Alaric huffed and puffed but said nothing, and young Eucherius was paying close attention in silence just like the younger Aetius, intent on learning strategy at his father’s table. That was a good sign, as far as Stilicho was concerned, as good as the lad’s appearance: his tall stature, blond curls and similarly golden eyes not only highlighted his Vandal blood, leaving little trace of his dark-haired and dark-eyed mother Serena[21] in him other than his total lack of a Germanic accent, but also rendered him the spitting image of his father back in the latter’s younger days. Though Stilicho knew he would feel prouder still when, and if, Eucherius proved himself in battle; and he was also aware, from his own experience, that no amount of studying and training at arms could completely prepare a man for his first personal taste of combat.

    “It is decided, then!” Stilicho declared, rising from his chair. “Rest well this winter, friends. Once the weather permits it, we will march to chasten the Eastern snakes who have betrayed and stolen from us again and again. With God as my witness, I declare that I will not rest again until we have retaken the half of Illyricum which rightly belongs to us and – better still – that Arcadius recognizes the authority which I was vested with by his father. Dismissed!”

    IvaZuct.jpg

    Flavius Stilicho, illustrated based on his family diptych

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    [1] Respendial was the king of the Alans who crossed the Rhine in 406.

    [2] This is the POD: historically the Hasdingi Vandals were nearly defeated by Roman-allied Franks before they could cross the Rhine in the winter of 406, with King Godigisel being among their casualties, but were saved at the last minute by Respendial’s Alans. Here Respendial arrived too late, by which point the Vandals have been utterly shattered and Godigisel’s eldest sons have joined him in death.

    [3] A prominent Scythian goddess also worshiped by the Alans.

    [4] Historically, the devoutly Arian Gunderic was Godigisel’s initial successor and king of the Vandals until 428, when he reportedly died while trying to convert a Chalcedonian church in Spain.

    [5] Gunderic’s OTL successor, who brought the Vandals to Africa and established a kingdom there with both ruthless intrigue and warfare against the Romans and Moors.

    [6] Respendial’s successor as King of the Alans, who was historically defeated and killed by the Visigoths in 418. Afterward, the remainder of his people joined the Vandals and migrated to Africa with them.

    [7] Commander-in-chief of the Late Roman army, second only to the Emperor himself and increasingly often the true power behind the latter.

    [8] This Arigius was indeed a son of the very same Arbogast who fought against Stilicho and Theodosius the Great at the Frigidus in 394, and father to another Arbogast who would govern Trier as its Roman count into the 470s. Ironically his family stubbornly held to the Church the first Arbogast had undermined, among other Roman traditions, for which they were praised by Bishop Sidonius Apollinaris.

    [9] A term for barbarian troops in Roman service.

    [10] When Emperor Theodosius the Great died in 395, the Roman Empire was split in two once more between his underage sons: the elder Arcadius inherited the East and ruled from Constantinople, while the younger Honorius inherited the West and ruled from Ravenna. It is doubtful that anyone at the time thought the split would be permanent, considering Theodosius had just reunited the empire the year before. Stilicho was ostensibly named their guardian and regent in his will (unambiguously in Honorius’ case, he may have made up his claim to the regency over Arcadius), but only succeeded in asserting this claim over Honorius – Rufinus frustrated his efforts to do the same with Arcadius.

    [11] Historically, Anthemius (as the Praetorian Prefect) became the most important person at the Eastern Roman court after Eutropius’ downfall and the death of Empress Aelia Eudoxia. He oversaw the completion of Constantinople’s famous Theodosian Walls. His wishes to reconcile with the Western Roman court seem to have been genuine, but both ITL and IOTL, his predecessors have simply built up too much bad blood for Stilicho to be willing to simply take him at his word & forgive the Orient.

    [12] At the time of the barbarians’ Crossing of the Rhine and the dominoes of disaster it unleashed, Stilicho really was planning a campaign against the Eastern Roman Empire to take the half of the Praetorian Prefecture of Illyricum (stretching from what we now know as Serbia to the Peloponnese) which had been assigned to them, as it was a valuable recruiting ground and would also be a place where he could settle Alaric’s Goths. With no crossing to distract him, he can follow through on his plans.

    [13] The Sava River in modern-day Serbia.

    [14] Eucherius was Stilicho’s only son, who rose to the esteem of a vir clarissimus (the third comital rank in the late imperial period) under his wing. Historically, he was executed soon after his father’s death, at which time he was a young man no older than 20.

    [15] Alaric was the king of the Visigoths who infamously sacked Rome in 410, though at present he is but a subdued vassal of the Western Roman Empire (having been beaten back into line several times by Stilicho before 406) and leader of their Gothic foederati.

    [16] Sarus was another Gothic commander in Stilicho’s service. He was quite loyal to Rome, but highly hostile to Alaric – indeed, him attacking Alaric out of the blue (probably without orders) directly caused the final breakdown in negotiations between Alaric & Honorius in 410, which in turn immediately led to the former sacking Rome that year.

    [17] An old name for the Balkans.

    [18] What is now southwestern Romania and the Banat.

    [19] An early Hunnic king, known to have ruled several decades before the infamous Attila (who incidentally is already alive, though but a child, in 407). He was indeed an ally of Stilicho’s and aided him in crushing Radagaisus, a Gothic warlord who threatened Italy in mid-406.

    [20] None other than the future Flavius Aetius, who at this point is still far from being a ‘terror to the barbarians’. He’s around fifteen years old in this scene, and since 405 he has served as a prominent hostage in the court of Alaric.

    [21] Serena was the niece of Theodosius the Great, who arranged her marriage to Stilicho in 384, and cousin to Emperors Arcadius & Honorius. With Stilicho she had three children: Maria, Thermantia (both of whom were wed to Honorius) and Eucherius. Historically she too was killed not long after the deaths of her husband and son, with the connivance of Honorius’ sister Galla Placidia (who Serena cared for after the death of their mother Justina) no less.
     
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    407 AD: Stilicho vs. the East
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    The winter of 406-407 passed by quietly for both halves of the Roman Empire, much to their relief. Though the Rhine had iced over thanks to the unusually cold weather, the Western Empire’s limitanei[1] and Frankish foederati put a decisive stop to the Germanic Vandals’ attempt to cross the frozen river and intimidated their Alan allies into turning back, preventing what could easily have spiraled into an uncontrollable barbarian invasion over the Rhenish frontier. Arigius son of Arbogast, the border general who commanded said Frankish troops, received magister militum Flavius Stilicho’s congratulations at the end of February; it is unlikely that either man knew then, or ever would know, of the full magnitude of the disaster the former had just averted.

    Far to the south – with no barbaric invasion or consequent internal crises to attend to – Stilicho browbeat his nominal superior, the Emperor Honorius into approving his campaign against the East and promptly set it in motion. Just as planned, 20,000 Western Roman troops (mostly the comitatenses[2] of the western Illyrian provinces and Stilicho’s bucellarii corps[3]) crossed the Sava in March, battling rain and mud to lay siege to Singidunum[4] under his personal direction while another 10,000 Visigoths under King Alaric crossed further to the east to blockade Viminacium[5]. Alaric’s rival Sarus led another 10,000 through the Dinaric Alps to make their way toward Dioclea[6], harrying western Moesia as they went. Anthemius, Praetorian Prefect of the East and the latest power behind the weak Emperor Arcadius, had purposely not reinforced the border fortresses over the last autumn & winter, thinking it unwise to antagonize Stilicho even further while trying to reach out to the latter; as it turned out, the truly foolish idea was thinking Stilicho was still interested in reconciling with the East at all after his predecessors had spent practically every waking moment spitting at him.

    All of Stilicho’s targets fell before the end of spring, Singidunum and Dioclea surrendering in a hurry while Viminacium held out until Stilicho’s own army joined Alaric’s. Uldin too had answered Stilicho’s summons and joined the fight, leading thousands of swift Hunnic warriors in an incursion into Thrace and placing Tomis under siege while pillaging the countryside and threatening Marcianopolis. With the border broken through, the Western Romans marched to unite around Naissus even as Anthemius was frantically gathering his own legions for a counterattack. In an attempt to stop Stilicho from consolidating his forces, the Prefect sent his son-in-law Procopius[7] with some 7,000 cavalry and Gothic foederati to attack the host of Sarus, who was the first to arrive at Naissus and consequently laid siege to it when the governor refused to open his gates. In this Procopius succeeded, driving Sarus to retreat between his own army and the sallying garrison; but when he scouted out the combined forces of Alaric and Stilicho which were fast descending from the north, he realized he had no chance on his own against such a massive army and fell back to Thessalonica.

    As said army arrived to rendezvous with the scattered remnants of Sarus’ force, Naissus finally surrendered. While Sarus himself was still angered by his embarrassing defeat and sought permission to sack the city, Stilicho accepted the governor’s submission and forbade him from harming Naissus or its inhabitants, much to the amusement of his archenemy Alaric. The consolidated Western Roman host of about 35,000 (the rest having either been left as garrisons in the conquered Eastern Roman cities or lost in battle or from attrition) departed from Naissus at the end of April, intent on meeting the East’s own forces on the battlefield between Naissus and Thessalonica.

    To fend off Stilicho, Anthemius had amassed around Thessalonica an army of some 20,000 Eastern legionaries – a mix of his own bucellarii, comital troops and limitanei pulled from the border with the lost province of Dacia Traiana – backed by another 12,000 barbarian foederati of his own, mostly Ostrogoths and Alans. He also engaged in secret negotiations with Uldin, buying him off with a hefty amount of gold; little trouble to the East’s larger coffers. With the Huns lifting their siege of Tomis and going home, he would be free to focus fully on Stilicho. Neither he nor his Western counterpart wanted a drawn-out war of attrition and sieges, which they knew would severely damage the Illyric prefecture they were fighting over, so both sides came to an unspoken agreement of sorts to fight their problems out in pitched battle – the more decisive, the better, so as to bring a quick end to this latest round of fratricidal warfare between the two Romes.

    The first opportunity came in the early summer, as Stilicho advanced directly down the Via Militaris[8] toward Serdica[9]. Anthemius formed his army up outside the city and waited for Stilicho to come, which he did on May 1. The battle which followed was neither decisive nor excessively sanguinary; Stilicho executed an orderly withdrawal after finding that Anthemius’ forces were pressuring his flanks with sufficient severity to break through in a few more hours, and his son Eucherius distinguished himself in the rearguard action. Still, it was a victory for Anthemius and the Eastern Empire, who held the field at the end of the day and had stopped Stilicho’s advance down the most obvious road to Constantinople.

    Stilicho would not be deterred, however. He next marched his army off-road and through a forested gap in the mountains to his south, catching Anthemius (who expected him to try again along the Via Militaris) off-guard. The two armies would meet again a few months later around the banks of the river Strymon[10]; Anthemius had marched to the town of Pautalia[11] where he’d set up his field headquarters, and his scouts reported that Stilicho’s forces were marching downriver and straight at him. For his part, Stilicho’s own scouts had reported Anthemius’ presence, and he was just as happy to give battle there & then as Anthemius was. Both sides began to draw up in battle formations a few miles north of Pautalia, and came to blows as noon approached on September 3.

    The resulting Battle of the Strymon was hard-fought, as could be expected from such massive armies helmed by competent commanders. Stilicho consolidated the bulk of his troops in his center with his best and fiercest fighters organized along the front of his lines, leaving Alaric with the Gothic cavalry to guard his right and trusting that the Strymon would help Sarus (who had the smallest contingent out of the Western Roman army) protect his left. Meanwhile, Anthemius had spread out his marginally smaller army, extending their lines with the hope of enveloping Stilicho’s own just as he almost had at Serdica. This time, with Stilicho deep in the Strymon’s river valley, there would be no retreat if he were to be defeated again. As Stilicho’s army advanced directly alongside the Strymon, Anthemius was forced to detach elements of his army and have them cross over the river further south to get them into position for a flanking attack on his rival’s left wing.

    After several hours of combat, it became apparent that Anthemius had miscalculated in his deployments. Led by Stilicho himself and Eucherius, the larger Western Roman center had – after the usual initial exchange of plumbata[12] and other missiles – barreled through his own even as Procopius led his left wing to victory over Alaric’s Goths, and over on the Western Roman left Sarus held back Anthemius’ flanking maneuver on the fords of the Strymon, just as his boss had hoped. Anthemius himself was forced to retreat as Stilicho’s infantry smashed through his center lines, and Procopius soon followed to avoid being rolled up by the main body of the Western army or Alaric’s reforming warriors, leaving the Eastern footmen at the mercy of Stilicho and his captains. About 5,000 men died on both sides before the Orient’s forces broke, but another 10,000 Eastern Romans were taken prisoner by the victorious Occident. Worse still for Anthemius, Stilicho pursued him closely, marching into Pautalia before the sun set on that day and constantly preventing him from regrouping as he fell back to the southeast.

    EMY4xRM.jpg

    Anthemius commands his men to hold firm as Eucherius & the Western Romans charge home

    Although Anthemius eventually did make it safely back to Amphipolis, his army did not. Many of his troops, particularly the barbarians, had dispersed into the nearby mountains or fell prey to Stilicho’s relentless pursuit. A few weeks after the battle, an attempt to delay the Western Roman offensive organized by Procopius outside Scaptopara[13] was frustrated by lead elements of the Western army under Eucherius’ direction: the Western Romans fell upon their weary and bloodied Eastern cousins with great haste, preventing them from catching anything resembling a break and sending them fleeing again after a short, sharp clash. Procopius was captured and presented, unbound but clearly a prisoner, to Stilicho by his ecstatic son. As days turned to weeks and Anthemius found himself with well below half the army he used to have, he found he had no choice but to sue for peace and try to argue for the most lenient terms he could get away with.

    In that regard, the Eastern Prefect found a bit of luck. Stilicho decided not to press for mastery over the East after all, having driven his own army to crippling exhaustion with the march through the mountains and then by pursuing Anthemius’ with such unrelenting ferocity. Instead he settled for his minimal war aims: the transfer of Constantinople’s half of the Prefecture of Illyricum, from Singidunum to Thessalonica to Athens, as well as a handsome indemnity which would double as a ransom for Procopius and the other Eastern Roman prisoners. Per the terms of this ‘Peace of Amphipolis’, Stilicho’s Visigoth allies were also to be settled in the new Western Roman gains, with Alaric’s people being granted land in the Diocese of Dacia which constituted its northern half and Sarus’ followers receiving territories in the southern Diocese of Macedonia. Furthermore, Alaric was restored to his previous dignity of magister militum per Illyricum, or supreme regional commander of Roman forces in the Illyric prefecture, which he had briefly held under the Eastern Empire’s authority from 395 to 399.

    While Anthemius and Procopius returned to Constantinople in defeat, expecting to face the sort of music only a furious imperial court could play, Stilicho sent a missive to Ravenna to inform Honorius of his victory and moved to consolidate the Western Roman Empire’s authority over eastern Illyricum. As the falling leaves of autumn were replaced by the snows of winter, Stilicho could finally rest…or so he thought. No sooner had he stretched his legs and warmed his hands by a nice fire did dire news come from Ravenna. Back west, a minister named Olympius – whose grasping ambition and avarice knew no limit, and who had long felt bitterly jealous at the rise of the half-barbarian Stilicho – had successfully turned Honorius against the magister militum, having spent the past months whispering that Stilicho sought to carve out a kingdom for himself in Illyricum and depose Honorius even as Stilicho himself was fighting for control of the prefecture[14]. That Honorius’ wife Maria, Stilicho’s eldest daughter, had passed away from illness in autumn further contributed to the breakdown of relations between the two, whether Stilicho knew it or not.

    At Olympius’ advice and with the support of the Senate (which similarly regarded Stilicho with jealousy, suspicion or both), Honorius sacked Stilicho from his office; declared him hostis publicus or an enemy-of-the-people and put a bounty on his head; and incited the Western Roman armies in the peninsula to mutiny against their pro-Stilicho officers, murdering those whose loyalty to Honorius and only Honorius was in doubt. These soldiers then took not just his wife and other daughter Thermantia hostage but also the families of the Gothic foederati in Western Roman service who happened to be living in Italy, regardless of whether their fathers, husbands and brothers were in Stilicho’s army or serving elsewhere – including Italy itself. This unsurprisingly drove those Gothic warriors who hadn’t been killed in their sleep or over supper to rebellion, flooding the Italian countryside with thousands of heavily armed and professionally trained brigands hellbent on protecting or recovering their families and to whom all non-Goths were potential enemies; to suppress these numerous and deadly new rebels, Olympius had to scatter his own loyal forces throughout the peninsula. In Africa Stilicho’s brother-in-law, Bathanarius, found himself stripped of legal authority and under attack by a rival named Heraclianus, who Honorius had named the new Comes Africae at Olympius’ suggestion[15]. The Emperor and his new, twisted right hand further demanded Stilicho surrender himself on charges of conspiring against the former or else risk the execution of all the aforementioned hostages.

    In an ill omen for what potentially awaited Stilicho, it was around this time that the disgraced Anthemius was also arrested and put to death by rival power-players in the Eastern Roman court. Procopius survived, but only in prison. The urban prefect of Constantinople, Aemilian[16], seized power and was officially designated Anthemius’ successor by the Emperor Arcadius, who by now was in ailing health and never had a particularly strong constitution in the first place. Fortunately for the East he had a clear heir in his six-year-old son Theodosius, but long regencies over immature monarchs were unlikely to make for peaceful and stable times if Arcadius’ own and his brother Honorius’ early years were any indicator, especially not so soon after a defeat as stinging as the one Stilicho just dealt to Anthemius.

    Over in Thessalonica, Eucherius and the generals of Stilicho’s army were all in an uproar at the news. The two Visigoth leaders, as well as the captains of the Gothic veterans more thoroughly integrated into Stilicho’s army, demanded he march west immediately to free their captive kin. Eucherius sought to do the same to free his mother and sister from Olympius’ clutches. But there were problems with such a course of action: first and worst, Stilicho had given the Goths leave to settle their newly-granted homeland immediately after concluding the Peace of Amphipolis, which meant that thousands of his foederati had already dispersed – it would take a long while to call them back to Alaric’s and Sarus’ side, if many of them even cared to do so just after being demobilized. Alaric himself, though certainly eager to rebuild his esteem among the Visigoths by liberating their families from Olympius after years of defeat and subjugation under Stilicho, had already left to set up his court in Serdica, and so hadn’t even gotten the news until a week and a half after Stilicho had. Second, Stilicho himself was reluctant to do battle with his mentor’s son, and genuinely concerned that Honorius – feeble as he was – might actually follow through on his, or rather Olympius’, threat to kill the hostages.

    Thus did Stilicho debate sailing to Rome alone to make his case personally to Honorius, nevermind that Olympius was already busy tearing his powerbase out from under his feet: as Eucherius bluntly pointed out, without his army he would most likely be walking into his own execution. But then came more news that the court in Ravenna had recalled an old friend of his – an almost equally formidable general known as Constantius of Moesia[17] – from over the Alps to reinforce the defense of Italy against any potential attack from Illyricum. And then Uldin of the Huns sent him messengers bearing gifts and an apology for taking Anthemius’ bribe, asserting that he simply couldn’t resist the amount of gold the latter was dangling before him but that he remained the Romano-Vandal’s ‘stalwart ally’ and would be willing to help him again if needed. With a new plan to secure victory as rapidly as, and hopefully far less bloodily than, he had done over Anthemius formulating in his mind, Stilicho resolved to fight for his life, his family and his office at the dawn of the new year…

    ZWP8tpo.png


    1. Western Roman Empire
    2. Visigoths
    3. Franks
    4. Eastern Roman Empire
    5. Huns
    6. Lazica
    7. Caucasian Iberia
    8. Caucasian Albania
    9. Sassanid Empire
    10. Ghassanids
    11. Lakhmids
    12. Alans, Silingi Vandals and Suebi
    13. Garamantians

    ====================================================================================

    [1] Late Roman border garrisons.

    [2] Troops of the Late Roman field armies, typically better-paid and considered to be of a higher standard than the limitanei.

    [3] Soldiers privately hired by, and exclusively loyal to, an individual general rather than the Roman state.

    [4] Belgrade.

    [5] Near Kostolac, Serbia.

    [6] Podgorica.

    [7] A future magister militum per Orientem and father of Anthemius, who was historically Western Roman Emperor 467-472.

    [8] The ‘military road’ stretching from Belgrade to Istanbul today.

    [9] Sofia.

    [10] Now known as the Struma River, it flows through Bulgaria and Greece.

    [11] Modern Kyustendil, Bulgaria.

    [12] Leaden war-darts, which were among the Late Roman replacements of the earlier pilum javelin.

    [13] Blagoevgrad, Bulgaria. The battle between Eucherius and Procopius was actually fought outside the city, in the Kresna Gorge.

    [14] IOTL, Olympius took advantage of Stilicho’s inability to immediately deal with the double crisis of the barbarians who had crossed the Rhine and Constantine III’s British rebellion (which directly followed, and was strengthened by, said barbarians’ arrival) to engineer his downfall. Here his excuse is different, but was still something used against Stilicho in life: namely that Stilicho had royal or even imperial ambitions of his own, and that that was why he wanted the eastern half of Illyricum so badly.

    [15] Heraclianus historically killed Bathanarius a year later, as part of the purge of Stilicho’s allies and relatives.

    [16] The predecessor of Monaxius, who also succeeded Anthemius as Prefect of the East in 414 IOTL.

    [17] The historical Constantius III: future husband of Honorius’ sister Galla Placidia, co-emperor of the West with Honorius, father of Valentinian III and a highly capable suppressor of barbarians and rebels in his own right.
     
    408: No rest for the weary
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    As 408 dawned, Stilicho began to set his plan in motion. He did, indeed, sail to Ravenna without an army (only several dozen unarmed servants) as soon as the weather permitted; upon landing at the swamp-city’s port, he was immediately confronted by a party including Honorius himself and placed under arrest. However, while Olympius wanted him killed on the spot, the ex-magister militum personally appealed to the emperor to first be allowed to say his goodbyes to his family and best friend Constantius. Perhaps still grateful for the addition of Illyricum to his half of the Roman Empire, or motivated by sentimentality toward the man who practically raised him after his father’s death – and certainly in defiance of all common sense and Olympius’ desperate arguments – Honorius inexplicably agreed to this apparent last request[1].

    The emperor was most likely the only person shocked when, later that night, Constantius and his army mutinied within Ravenna’s walls. Although Olympius’ loyalists did their best to cut Stilicho down in the fracas, they were foiled by the ‘servants’ of Stilicho – in truth, his Hunnic bodyguards, who had been provided with weapons by Constantius – and Stilicho himself, who managed to survive (despite being shackled) long enough to be rescued by the former. Honorius and Olympius fled to Rome while their remaining supporters in Ravenna surrendered soon after, leaving the liberated Stilicho (together with his family) and Constantius in control of the capital. Around the same time, Eucherius landed outside Bari with 3,000 of his father’s soldiers and 2,000 Huns lent to him by Uldin, the largest army he could sail with quickly; however, as he moved up toward Ravenna his ranks were quickly swelled by the Goth auxiliaries still in Italy, determined to rescue their families from the Roman court and smite their treacherous superiors.

    While Honorius was in a complete panic and considered fleeing to Hispania or Africa, Olympius advised him not to do so, arguing that if he did that Stilicho could simply march into Rome and declare himself emperor without opposition. He further advised to not kill the hostages immediately, under the reasoning that eliminating them would remove the imperial court’s only remaining leverage and Stilicho would probably put his head on a pike to appease those hostages’ Gothic relatives; now it was Honorius’ turn to be surprised, for taking and potentially executing the hostages had been Olympius’ idea. Instead, they would retain the hostages to deter a direct attack on the capital, while summoning reinforcements to their side: surely time was on their side, not Stilicho’s, and the latter would be at risk of having said Goths mutiny against him if he couldn’t free their families quickly enough.

    Unfortunately for both men, the largest army they had called in was led by another incredible fool named Valens[2]. This general decided to instead confront Eucherius’ army – by now joined by Stilicho himself, while Constantius remained behind to keep Ravenna under control – under the belief that he’d be honored for presenting the rebels’ heads to the court. It soon became apparent that he had grossly overestimated his own army and ability while underestimating those of his foes, as he marched some 6,000 men to face Stilicho’s and Eucherius’ 30,000 on the uppermost banks of the Tiber without even bothering to scout out how many reinforcements they had picked up, still determined to believe they only had the 5,000 that Eucherius was reported to have landed with[3]. On April 30 the father-and-son team crushed him as easily as an elephant would crush a termite, then continued on their merry way toward Rome without even slowing down, proclaiming that they were not in rebellion against Honorius but rather only against the illegitimate and poisonous regime of Olympius as they marched. Meanwhile, thanks to Valens’ foolhardy rush into an early grave, Olympius and Honorius were left with far too few reinforcements to possibly stand against them.

    When Stilicho and Eucherius appeared before Rome – their army swelled to nearly 40,000 strong by further Gothic reinforcements they’d picked up on the road to the Eternal City and the occasional Roman sympathizers – Olympius had the thousands of Visigoth women, children, elders and invalids he’d taken hostage paraded atop the Aurelian Walls (not too difficult when he had so few actual soldiers to man said walls), threatening to have them thrown off one by one if the rebels came any closer. Stilicho bluntly called his bluff and informed him that his life was forfeit no matter what he did from this point on, but that if he chose to die like a man, he could at least allay the Goths’ vengeful wrath and prevent them from rampaging once they got past the walls. He finished his challenge thusly: “If you are truly a Roman, Olympius – if you have ever, in that long life for which you have so little to show, cared for Rome – you will fall on your sword or die fighting me on those walls, instead of continuing to hide behind defenseless women and children!”

    Olympius, of course, was not a man of honor and had no intention of going out like one, so at that moment he ordered Rome’s badly outnumbered garrison to begin killing the hostages. But Honorius had changed his mind, unnerved by Stilicho’s threats and the visibly far greater power of his army, and publicly countermanded that order for fear of his own life if Stilicho should actually storm Rome. Instead, he had Olympius thrown off the walls when the latter snapped at him for this abrupt decision, then asked to negotiate with his former guardian; Stilicho duly indulged this request. The emperor agreed to surrender on the condition that he be allowed to retain his life and crown, neither of which Stilicho was seriously planning to deprive him of anyway, and Stilicho in turn demanded not only his restoration to all the honors he’d been unjustly deprived of but also the names of the high officials who supported Olympius’ coup, which Honorius was happy to grant to ensure he’d continue breathing.

    The Romano-Vandalic magister militum promptly marched his troops into Rome, allowing his Gothic auxiliaries to joyfully reunite with their families but expressly maintaining discipline and preventing even the slightest looting & murdering. He also made a public show of reconciliation with Honorius, wholly blaming Olympius for having poisoned the latter against him and arranging a double marriage: his second daughter Thermantia to the emperor, replacing the late Maria, and Honorius’ sister Galla Placidia to Eucherius, not only restoring but doubling the ties between his family and the Theodosian dynasty.

    Stilicho was less merciful toward the imperial bureaucracy and officer corps, purging their ranks (especially the latter) of as many of Olympius’ allies as he could get his hands on – publicly executing the most openly hateful and irreconcilable of his foes, and expelling others to their estates – and ensuring they’d be replaced by men he could trust to not backstab him at the earliest opportunity. Meting out this treatment to the officers of the Roman army in Italy who had turned against him and murdered their pro-Stilicho comrades and subordinates would, by necessity, mean paralyzing these forces for some time until he could install new, more loyal men to replace the ones he executed. Honorius could continue to tend to his chickens in luxurious peace, but he was (as before) an insignificant puppet while Stilicho consolidated his prominence as power-beside-the-throne yet again, and this time his handler would make absolutely sure nobody else could influence him.

    800px-John_William_Waterhouse_-_The_Favorites_of_the_Emperor_Honorius_-_1883.jpg

    The Emperor Honorius doing what he did best: tending to his pet fowl while someone else runs his empire for him

    No sooner had Stilicho dealt with Olympius and begun purging the high ranks of the army & government of his enemies did another crisis fall into his lap. Around the same time that he and Olympius were shouting at each other in front of Rome the Alans were now attacking across the Rhine as said Vandals had done, and they weren’t alone: with them came the Suebi and the Silingi cousins of the Hasdingi, led respectively by their kings Hermeric[4] and Fredebal[5], as well as the remnants of the Hasdingi who by now had joined either the Alans themselves or the Silingi[6]. These other Germanic savages had previously trailed behind their advance and were now swayed to reinforce their invasion, tripling the threat they posed. This time, Arigius and his Franks could not withstand such a multitude and were defeated when they tried to head the invaders off between Bingium[7] and Mogontiacum, forcing them to fall back to Augusta Treverorum and appeal for help from the capital. Stilicho obliged and sent Constantius with 15,000 men, many of them Goths, to defend Gaul from this newest barbarian horde; along the way, they were joined by another 6,000 Huns sent by Uldin at Mediolanum, and collected further reinforcements from the Gallic legions as they marched northward.

    By autumn when Constantius got into position to confront the Alans, they had bypassed Augusta Treverorum – leaving behind some 10,000 warriors to keep Arigius under siege there – and were aggressively raiding in all directions, burning down much of Argentoratum[8] to the east and pillaging as far as Aurelianum[9] to the west. Now leading an army of over 25,000 Constantius obliterated several isolated raiding parties which had driven too far south, including an especially large one of 4,000 men at Vesontio[10], but their scattered survivors alerted the Alan king Respendial of his approach and the rest of their peers hurriedly consolidated around Divodorum[11] to face him. As the besiegers of Augusta Treverorum departed, Arigius decided to leave the city and start to carefully shadow them, hoping to catch the barbarians between his own depleted-but-still-considerable army and Constantius’ much larger one.

    After several weeks of increasingly intense skirmishing, Constantius and Respendial clashed just south of the town of Nanciacum[12] on November 9. The Alan and Vandal cavalry formed up in-between the river Meurthe and great forested slopes where Respendial’s footmen, mostly Vandals and Suebi, lay in wait. Meanwhile the Western Romans deployed in a dense conventional formation, their right protected by the Meurthe and their left by 2,000 Gothic cavalry, with several thousand more cavalry split off into a separate detachment that he intended to go around the slopes and attack the barbarian army from behind. However as Constantius’ main body advanced, pushing past the bitterly cold winds and heavy Alan arrow fire to meet the thundering charge of Respendial’s cavalry, his own cavalry commander misinterpreted his orders and moved into the wooded hills to the Romans’ left instead of around them; there he was promptly engaged and put to flight by the hidden barbarian infantry.

    As Constantius’ horsemen fled to the southwest, those barbaric warriors turned to attack the Western Roman left flank. Numerous and bloodthirsty as they were, they pushed past his remaining cavalry and threatened to drive him into the Meurthe. But it was at this moment that, as the Western Romans began to despair, Arigius arrived from the north: with not a moment to lose, he led his own men – Roman and Frank alike – in throwing themselves into the rear of Respendial’s army. Now it was the barbarians who were encircled and filled with fear: what discipline they still had soon dissolved, and their vast horde began to unravel despite Respendial’s attempts to rally them. When the sun set over Nanciacum, some 16,000 barbarians lay dead or else were taken captive between Western Roman blades and the current of the Meurthe, the Alan and Suebi kings among them; meanwhile Constantius had lost 6,000 of his own men and 3,000 more from Arigius’ army. Not insignificant, but still well worth the scale of his victory, especially as the survivors – now led by Fredebal, Respendial’s son Attaces and Hermeric’s son Rechila[13] – raced back over the Rhine with such haste that almost all of the spoils & slaves they had gathered was left behind for the victors to recover. Only the Western Romans’ own fairly heavy losses and their commanders’ need to reorganize the survivors after such a hard-fought victory prevented them from pursuing and totally annihilating the defeated barbarians.

    3c61ccb4e98d862630ef4cd482635d09.jpg

    Survivors of Respendial's alliance retreating through the wintry Gallic countryside after their defeat at Nanciacum

    Though the utter defeat of the Alan-Vandal-Suebi coalition bought Stilicho room to breathe, if he thought he could finally sit back and relax that winter, he would soon be proven wrong yet again. In Moesia and Dacia, the blood-feud between Alaric and Sarus had flared into open hostility once more, and their warbands began to attack the other’s newly-built outposts and settlements across Illyricum. And over in Africa, though Heraclianus had finally prevailed over Bathanarius and killed him, by the time he did so Stilicho had already retaken power in Rome & Ravenna; aware that the magister militum was unlikely to forgive him for executing his brother-in-law and ally, and that Honorius was firmly back under his thrall, Heraclianus declared himself emperor in Carthage instead[14], jeopardizing Rome’s grain supply – something which Stilicho urgently needed to deal with but couldn’t (at least not before the end of the year) between the barbarian invasion across the Rhine, his Gothic feudatories feuding, and his own purge of the Senate & Italian officer corps. Truly, there would be no rest for the weary in these trying times.

    Outside of the Western Roman Empire and its struggles, over in its Eastern counterpart Emperor Arcadius passed away on May 1 this year. His son was duly acclaimed as Theodosius II, though neither his uncle Honorius nor Stilicho could visit the new boy-emperor all year on account of their civil war and its fallout. Aemilian, as Praetorian Prefect of the East, remained the power-behind-the-throne and expected to rule through Theodosius for many years more; for now though, his need to continue consolidating his power just a year after Anthemius’ downfall and the damage done to the Eastern Roman army prevented him from taking advantage of the Occident’s troubles to retake Illyricum. Theodosius’ succession was further guaranteed by the Persian Shah Yazdgerd, who was remarkably friendly to the Romans – with whom he had never warred, unlike his father Shapur III – and Arcadius specifically: considering himself a guardian of sorts over his deceased friend’s heir, the Sassanid ruler arranged for a Persian eunuch named Antiochus (whom he’d sent to the court in Constantinople as a gift four years prior) to be made into Theodosius’ tutor, and even went so far as to proclaim that anyone who dared challenge the young emperor’s right to rule would have to deal with his wrath as well.

    ====================================================================================

    [1] Historically, Honorius actually did have Stilicho killed immediately: their relationship had collapsed entirely between Maria’s death (as ITL), Stilicho telling him not to go to Constantinople to greet his newly enthroned nephew only to go there himself, the aforementioned claim by Olympius that he was looking to conquer Illyricum for himself, and also his inability to immediately resolve all of Rome’s problems with the barbarians crossing the Rhine & the usurper Constantine III. Their relationship isn’t quite as bad ITL, and that Stilicho had not – contrary to Olympius’ claims – declared himself or Eucherius emperor in Thessalonica also helped (along with Honorius’ own considerable natural foolishness) in guiding the emperor to fall for such a transparent ploy.

    [2] This Valens was not, as far as I know, related to the one from the Valentinianic dynasty. Historically he led a relief army to Rome in 409 while Alaric threatened it, but insisted on marching directly into and through the Visigoth army which, by this time, was known to have swelled to almost seven times the size of his own thanks to all those former auxiliaries whose families Olympius had just killed and Gothic slaves released by the Romans to get Alaric to lift his first siege the year prior. He & his men were promptly annihilated.

    [3] Near the town of Sansepolcro, which didn’t exist yet in 408.

    [4] IOTL Hermeric was indeed a Suebi king and founder of their kingdom in Hispania Gallaecia (modern-day NW Spain and northern Portugal).

    [5] Historically, Fredebal led the Silingi branch of the Vandals into a part of Spain and ruled there until the Visigoths captured him by trickery in 416. Like the Alans, what was left of his people then merged with the dominant Hasdingi Vandals and moved to Africa with them.

    [6] A reversal of OTL, where it was the Vandals absorbed the Alans after they were utterly defeated.

    [7]Modern Bingen am Rhein, Germany.

    [8] Strasbourg.

    [9] Orleans.

    [10] Besancon.

    [11] Metz.

    [12] Nancy.

    [13] Rechila was historically Hermeric’s son and heir, who succeeded him after the latter abdicated in 438 due to severe illness. He expanded the Suebi’s reach across western Iberia and was noted to have remained a pagan to his dying day.

    [14] Heraclianus actually did challenge Honorius for the imperial throne IOTL, but in 412 (and after Honorius had rewarded him with consulship no less) rather than 408. Instead, he was initially loyal to Honorius and Olympius as he is ITL, having benefited handsomely from the anti-Stilicho purge.
     
    Last edited:
    409: Of heretics and Goths
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    Come 409, Stilicho had some difficult decisions to make in regards to the Western Roman Empire’s newest problems. His purge of the officers opposed to him, not all of whom he could replace on such short notice, left the Italian legions largely leaderless and paralyzed a year later; moreover the common soldiers were unlikely to be capable of operating alongside the Gothic auxiliaries who they had betrayed and fought, and whose families they had kidnapped on Olympius’ orders, just a year ago. At the same time the necessity of keeping those Gothic auxiliaries in Italy to prevent the aforementioned Italian legionaries from mutinying again & murdering him, the internecine feuding between Alaric and Sarus in the east, and the battering Constantius’ army took at the Battle of Nanciacum left Stilicho with a terrible lack of manpower with which to deal with Heraclianus’ revolt. And yet he could not delay in fighting this latest African usurper, because without the African grain supply Rome would surely starve; the inevitable mob would likely prop up yet another usurper against him and Honorius if he couldn’t fill their bellies.

    It was in this context that Stilicho reached out to the barbarians Constantius had just defeated. To the Alans, the Suebi and the Silingi Vandals he offered the same terms he had offered Alaric in 405: fight against Heraclianus for him, and he would allow them to settle in Africa as foederati. Badly bloodied from their battle at Nanciacum but desperately freezing and starving on the far side of the Rhine after having to leave their spoils and supplies behind in the retreat, kings Attaces, Rechila and Fredebal agreed. In Stilicho’s estimation, the three of them put together still had strength enough to take down Heraclianus, and must be in sufficiently desperate straits to fight to the death after their devastating defeat and the harsh winter that followed; furthermore, the heavy losses Constantius inflicted on them (compounded by any further ones Heraclianus would inflict) had surely rendered them more controllable and less likely to rebel against Western Roman authority, so in theory this was a win-win for both sides.

    So the much-diminished barbarian horde returned to Roman soil in February, not as invaders but as foederati in Stilicho’s service. They were provided with sufficient food and drink to keep them alive, and the army of Constantius – now firmly established as magister equitum per Gallias[1] – escorted them to the port city of Arelate[2] to ensure they couldn’t just run off and begin harrying the countryside after making it past the Limes Germanicus[3]. Once they reached Arles, as a token of good faith Stilicho released back to them the non-combatant slaves Constantius and Arigius had managed to take in their disorganized efforts to pursue the three kings last November: women, children, the elderly and infirm. Of course the strong and healthy men of fighting age, most of whom were warriors taken captive directly at Nanciacum, could not be offered this mercy and were actually sold into slavery if they or their relatives couldn’t first buy their way out of Constantius’ chains, which almost nobody could after the loss of their plunder over the winter – but Stilicho wasn’t foolish enough to replenish the barbarian horde before it left Gaul. All this done, the Western Roman fleet went on to defeat Heraclianus’ off the coast of Sardinia and transport the barbarians to Africa along with a 4,000-strong contingent from Constantius’ army, led by his Romano-Frankish lieutenant Edobichus, both to keep them in line and as an alternative way of shoring up their fighting strength[4].

    Of course, Heraclianus had not been idle in the past year. To shore up his position he made overtures to the local Mauri[5] and the ever-persistent Donatist heretics[6], offering the former land to settle inside the African provinces and the latter religious toleration if they should back him in his war with Ravenna. Thus, when the 15,000-strong Western Roman army landed outside Hippo Regius[7] in early June and were joined there by Honorius’ secretary Marcellinus[8] – a man of culture whose connections to the African nobility and high clergy, in particular Hippo’s bishop Augustine[9], were deemed to be of great value by Stilicho – Heraclianus had greatly strengthened his own army with thousands of Berber auxiliaries and fanatical Circumcellions[10]. While the largely orthodox population of Hippo were disgusted by Heraclianus’ alignment with the Donatists and not only opened their gates under Augustine’s guidance but contributed a few thousand more men to the Western Roman army, Edobichus and his men increasingly suffered from constant Berber and Donatist raids, as well as a lack of food to forage thanks to the latter’s scorched-earth policy, as they marched out into the Numidian plains.

    Edobichus and the kings decided to march directly along the coast toward Carthage, avoiding straying deep into the African hinterland where the Berbers and Circumcellions knew the terrain far better than they did; in addition, by sticking to the shoreline they could be supplied by sea, instead of having to rely on foraging the scorched countryside or lengthy supply lines vulnerable to Heraclianus’ raiders. Heraclianus meanwhile trusted in the strength of his coalition and led them to battle outside Utica in August, clashing with Edobichus shortly after the Western Roman loyalists had compelled the surrender of Hippo Zarytus[11].

    It was a sweltering summer day when the two armies met in full, and Heraclianus’ army was both larger and better-fed, so he was quite confident of a triumph here. When Edobichus was felled in the Moorish archers’ first volley immediately after the battle began, he ordered his army to simply charge at the Western Roman army and called it a day. But Heraclianus miscalculated and declared victory too early: Marcellinus rallied the faltering Western Romans while the new barbarian foederati were determined to win or die – just as the magister militum had predicted – drawing a desperate will to fight from their need to secure a new homeland for their people and awareness that defeat meant extermination under the blazing African sun, either at the hands of the Berbers whose land they sought to take or those of a vengeful Stilicho. The numerous but disorganized and lightly-armed Mauri cavalry and Circumcellion mobs crashed against their shield-wall to no avail, eventually breaking before the determination and suicidal ferocity of the foederati; Marcellinus himself would praise the furor Teutonicus demonstrated by his barbaric allies in his report of the battle, though strictly speaking only two-thirds of the barbarian coalition were actual Teutons (the Alans were an Iranian people). As the Western Romans who had stood their ground for so long went on the offensive, Heraclianus was unable to rally his own men and found himself being swept away in the rout.

    00022735_011.JPG

    Figurine depicting a lightly-equipped Berber warrior; possibly either one of the lesser citizens of Hippo Regius who joined Edobichus, or a Donatist Circumcellion fighting for Heraclianus

    Heraclianus’ army disintegrated (the vast majority of the Moors and Donatists simply retreated into the countryside, to once again live as they had before) and he himself fled back to Carthage, only to find the gates barred against him: the city’s mostly Nicene population had revolted in his absence and declared for Honorius, much as the people of Hippo had. The usurper was promptly caught by a Vandal scouting party and executed on Marcellinus’ order. The grain supply to Rome was restored, and just in time – any longer and the food riots would have likely become completely uncontrollable, as the urban masses were eating through the last of their stockpiles. As for the barbarians, Stilicho kept his word and settled them as proper foederati in Africa’s frontier regions: the Silingi Vandals were settled in and around Capsa[12], the Alans in Tripolitania along the border with the Garamantians[13], and the Suebi in the Aures Mountains. Not the most hospitable lands, but each of them had enough to subsist on and while the local Mauri & Circumcellions were a nuisance, they were not as threatening as the barbarians’ old neighbors.

    While Edobichus, Marcellinus and the barbarian coalition were dealing with Heraclianus and the grain crisis, Stilicho was also attempting to mediate in the Gothic civil war consuming Illyricum. It took him until May to persuade both Alaric and Sarus to sit down and negotiate in Ravenna, with him as the arbiter. They hashed out an agreement: as nobody could agree on who was at fault or what even started this round of fighting, Alaric was required to pay Sarus a subsidy while Sarus was to swear fealty to Alaric as King of the Visigoths, the title which he had lost to Alaric in said Visigoths’ last royal election. Both Alaric and Sarus left, visibly unsatisfied but having committed to Stilicho’s terms, while the magister militum breathed a sigh of relief and thought the matter was settled.

    Not even a week later, Stilicho received word that Sarus’ men had waylaid Alaric almost immediately after he landed in Dyrrhachium[14] and tried to kill him. Alaric in turn fought his way out of the ambush and marshaled his army for a full invasion of the Diocese of Macedonia where Sarus dwelt, swearing that he would not rest until he had his archenemy’s head in his hands[15].

    Recognizing that further neutrality was impossible and that Sarus had broken the peace, Stilicho sided with Alaric and summoned Sarus back to Ravenna. Sarus refused, knowing he would assuredly face severe justice for what he’d just done, and instead decided to switch his allegiance to the Eastern Roman court. He sent a missive to Constantinople, offering Theodosius II’s regents Aemilian and Pulcheria[16] at least the southern half of Illyricum if they would protect him. Unfortunately for him, around this time a delay in Egyptian grain shipments to the Eastern capital sparked food riots there similar to what Rome had experienced, but Aemilian had the additional misfortune of catching a piece of rubble with his head while directing riot suppression efforts and died a day later[17]. The East, still weak from Stilicho’s thrashing of Anthemius and now effectively leaderless, was unable to respond, though Pulcheria wrote back words of encouragement and was plenty willing to try to snatch Illyricum back from Stilicho’s grip once a replacement for Aemilian had been found.

    In the meantime, Stilicho declared Sarus an outlaw, sent Eucherius to assist Alaric with 2,000 trusted men and further leaned on Uldin once more to help him & Alaric restore order in Illyricum. The Hun warlord agreed to send some 10,000 horsemen to join Eucherius and Alaric’s army in exchange for a right to the choicest plunder and a third of Sarus’ followers as slaves, and together they proceeded to devastate the Diocese of Macedonia. With his magisterial authority, Alaric commanded Roman garrisons in his way to stand down or outright join his army, and for all cities in the Macedonian half of Illyricum to resist Sarus by any means possible. Sarus was decidedly unamused by this development: as he marched northward he extorted heavy ransoms to leave cities in his way such as Athens & Thebes alone, sacked those which would not pay up in either goods or slaves such as Lamia, Pharsalus[18] & Larissa, and lived off the land – laying waste to the Greek countryside and driving thousands of refugees toward those cities which he hadn’t attacked.

    After devastating Thessaly, Sarus moved to engage Alaric & Eucherius in a gap in the Olympus mountain range which separated Thessaly from Macedonia proper, counting on the narrow and rugged terrain to counter his rival’s cavalry advantage. Little did he know, Alaric had detached the Hunnic cavalry and sent them through a different mountain pass to the west while marching to the battlefield. The resulting Battle of Mount Olympus, fought in the shadow of that famous mountain, proved to be a slaughter for Sarus’ Visigoths, who were attacked from behind by the Huns late in the fighting and slaughtered almost to the last man.

    lChOon0.jpg

    Uldin's Huns attack the rear of Sarus' army, sealing his fate

    One of those last men was Sarus himself, who managed to crawl out from that massacre and fled south. But quite understandably, there was no city in Greece willing to open its gates to him. By this time the Eastern Romans had sorted out the matter of Aemilian’s successor, appointing the urban prefect Monaxius[17] to be Praetorian Prefect of the East. Monaxius in turn restored order to the capital, redirected food shipments away from other parts of the empire to feed Constantinople’s citizenry, and was beginning to marshal an army to aid Sarus – but all this had come too late to do Sarus himself any good. The defeated and desperate Gothic chief was finally cornered on Mount Pelion, where his few remaining followers were mercilessly cut down and he himself lassoed by a Hunnic horseman before he could kill himself. Only his brother Sigeric[19] escaped, having hidden in a cave where Achilles’ parents were said to have married in the Homeric age and later making his way to Constantinople, where he placed himself at the Eastern court’s service. The Eastern court, disheartened by this turn of events, quietly canceled their expedition against the West.

    On September 20, Alaric finished dragging the captive Sarus all the way back to Serdica and had his treacherous nemesis publicly tortured to death, while Eucherius oversaw the far more pleasant task of returning the Roman possessions and freeing the slaves Sarus had taken. Stilicho sent both men his congratulations, but warned that Uldin expected them to keep the Romans’ end of the deal and he could not afford to antagonize the Hun chief at this point, so they had better give the khagan what he wants. In exchange, Alaric would be recognized as overlord of Sarus’ remaining followers (as was his right as the undisputed King of the Visigoths, anyway) and granted right-of-settlement over the Macedonian Diocese where the latter had previously reigned. Stilicho wouldn’t (and arguably couldn’t, not peaceably) even strip him of the office of magister militum per Illyricum.

    The Visigoth king (himself exhausted and quite satisfied with finally offing his loathed enemy) agreed to these terms, allowing Uldin to pick for himself the best loot from Sarus’ hoard and to carry 15,000 of his late rival’s followers (including his most noble subordinates and their families) off in chains, and Stilicho praised God for His mercy. Perhaps now, finally, the Western Roman Empire would enjoy some degree of stability without another rebellion or barbarian invasion popping off somewhere. That the year ended with a major Saxon incursion into Britain, only for the reavers to be repulsed by a local legate named Constantine[20] before Stilicho even learned of it – for which he and Honorius rewarded the man by promoting him to Comes Littoris Saxonici after the previous one retired – certainly suggested that might be the case.

    ====================================================================================

    [1] Top regional commander of the Western Roman armies in Gaul.

    [2] Arles.

    [3] The WRE’s northern border defenses, running from the North Sea to the Alps.

    [4] Historically, Edobichus fought for the usurper Constantine III against Honorius and was killed in 411. Without Britain rising in rebellion, he remains loyal to the Western imperial court.

    [5] Latin term for the ‘Moors’ – Berbers native to the Maghreb who weren’t already under Roman rule.

    [6] Donatism was one of the early Christian heresies, originating in the 310s immediately following the definitive end of Diocletian’s Great Persecution. They were named after their candidate for the Bishopric of Carthage, Donatus Magnus, and were based in the African countryside. The Donatists were known for being an unforgiving and puritanical bunch, believing that the traditores or lapsi – Christians who cracked under the Great Persecution and turned their scriptures over to the authorities – could never again administer valid sacraments; that there were some sins severe enough that no amount of penance could make up for them; and that the Christian church in general must be led by morally perfect saints rather than imperfect sinners.

    [7] Annaba.

    [8] The OTL Saint Marcellinus of Carthage, who did indeed correspond extensively with Saint Augustine (among others) and was a zealous supporter of Nicene orthodoxy. Ironically given how important Augustine was to countering Donatism, Marcellinus persecuted the heretics with such bloody fervor that the other saint criticized him for it.

    [9] The future Saint Augustine, an important Church Father whose works (especially on original sin and predestination) inspired Calvinism long after his passing. Without Rome being sacked by the Visigoths ITL he probably wouldn’t write The City of God, one of his most famous works, or else write it entirely differently compared to its OTL version.

    [10] Donatist militias who operated as bandits in the African countryside. They put an especially high value on martyrdom, to the point that some Circumcellions would attack legionary patrols or random travelers with nothing more than clubs just to get themselves killed, and often incited uprisings against landlords & creditors. Some Circumcellion bands also advocated non-Donatist positions such as free love and the abolition of slavery.

    [11] Gafsa.

    [12] The Garamantians were a Berber people in the Libya’s Fezzan region. Theirs was an agricultural and sedentary civilization using an extensive irrigation system to water their fields, where they grew wheat and figs (among other things). However, overuse of their limited groundwater and/or changes in the climate desertified their homeland (which is why we now know the Fezzan is a huge desert) and caused the decline of their kingdom. The last Garamantian remnants were finished off by Islamic invaders in the 7th century.

    [13] Durres.

    [14] IOTL, Sarus inexplicably attacking Alaric while the latter had just reached an accord with the Romans had much worse consequences: his ambush came just as Alaric agreed to negotiate with Honorius for the umpteenth time, and was the catalyst for the Visigoths’ sack of Rome. The latter interpreted it as yet another Western Roman betrayal (whether Sarus was actually acting on Honorius’ orders is unknown) and the last straw on top of two years’ worth of chronic backstabs, failed talks and battles (in which he routinely trounced the now-Stilicho-less Western Romans) after which he attacked the Eternal City for the final time.

    [15] Theodosius II’s older sister, primary guardian and a major influence on his reign. On account of her piety, vow of celibacy and strong support for Christian orthodoxy, she is considered a saint by the Catholic and Orthodox Churches.

    [16] There was in fact a major food riot in Constantinople in 409, in which the urban prefect Monaxius was (non-fatally) attacked – his carriage was ransacked and office burned down.

    [17] Farsala.

    [18] Aemilian’s historical successor as Constantinople’s urban prefect 408-409, and Praetorian Prefect of the East 414 & 416-420.

    [19] IOTL the murderer of Alaric’s own brother, Ataulf, and usurper of the Visigothic kingship for seven days in 415.

    [20] This Constantine was historically the usurper Constantine III; he arose in challenge to Honorius after the Crossing of the Rhine, succeeding his much shorter-lived fellow British usurpers Marcus and Gratian. He was one of the more successful 5th century usurpers, even briefly forcing Honorius to recognize him as co-emperor in the West in 409. However, he was unable to keep up with the various challenges to his rule and fell from power within two years. Comes Littoris Saxonici, or Count of the Saxon Shore, was the title of the Roman commander in charge of the forts from Norfolk to Hampshire which had served as Britain’s primary defense against Germanic pirates since the 4th century.
     
    Last edited:
    410-418: Peace in our time?
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    410 proved to be the first peaceful, crisis-free year for the Western Roman Empire in the entirety of Honorius’ reign. Although barbaric raids on the empire’s frontiers were still frequent – by now a new tribe, the Burgundians, had come to harry the Rhineland, and over in Britain the Irish had begun to strike at the Roman provinces’ western shores while Saxons continued to assail the east – none of these escalated to the point of a true invasion. The barbarians settled within the empire – the Visigoths, (Silingi) Vandals, Alans and Suebi – were all so thoroughly bloodied and exhausted by the events of the last few years that they were in no shape to rebel against Ravenna. And for once, no new conspirator or open rebel arose to take the place of Olympius and Heraclian. Evidently God had seen fit to answer Stilicho’s prayers and those of the long-suffering Roman citizenry, for they could finally catch a breath, unwind and focus on rebuilding their depleted strength for this brief moment in time.

    A year later, imperial and clerical authorities called an ecumenical council in Carthage to decide once and for all the fate of Donatism. Presided over by Marcellinus (now the proconsular governor of Africa) in the name of Emperor Honorius, this council predictably ruled against Donatists just as every other past church council had, and Honorius himself issued an edict reaffirming the outlawing of Donatism soon after with the support of Stilicho. Many thousands of Donatist rebels had marched for Heraclian previously, and dispersed back into the countryside to continue the struggle underground as they had for the past century. For his part Marcellinus set about enforcing the council’s decision with a zeal that disturbed even his friend Augustine of Hippo, no stranger to combating Donatism himself, killing and/or torturing many of the Donatist clergy and seizing what meager wealth & churches they still had for the orthodox Nicene Church. Only Augustine’s personal appeal saved a few Donatists from death at Marcellinus’ hands every now and then[1].

    This latest Council of Carthage also had an unintended side-effect: while it was ongoing, Augustine and Bishop Aurelius of Carthage also took some time to denounce the teachings of Pelagius, a British ascetic, and his disciple Celestinus. The two had advocated against the doctrines of original sin and predestination of which Augustine was a fervent defender, dismissing it as something Manichaean in origin and accepting no limit on human free will; to them (and particularly the more extreme Celestinus) humans could achieve salvation through their own good works, sin was a result of free choice rather than an inevitable result of humanity’s fallen nature, and God predestined nothing for man. Obviously, to defenders of orthodoxy like Augustine, Pelagius and Celestinus seemed to be essentially cutting God out of the process for human salvation and reducing Christ to purely a role model rather than an actual divine savior, for what need was there of his sacrifice if all humans were not tainted with original sin?

    Though not immediately excommunicated, Pelagius and Celestinus were ordered by Pope Innocent to forsake their erroneous beliefs and spend some years in penance in the former’s native Britain[2]. Instead, the two not only kept their doctrines but actively taught these to the Britons; the new teachings spread like wildfire among these long-independent-minded and relatively isolated people. While overlooked at the time – the Roman authorities would soon have bigger problems to worry about than a pair of controversial clerics preaching in one of their remotest provinces – in the long term, the growth of this ‘Pelagianism’ did not bode well for the continued loyalty of Britannia to the imperial court.

    800px-Augustine_and_donatists.jpg

    Bishop Augustine of Hippo debates heretics at the Council of Carthage

    In 412, Stilicho’s mostly-faithful Hunnic ally Uldin died, and the Eastern Empire decided it was time for a rematch over Illyricum. Uldin had been succeeded by his brother Charaton, who did not share his friendship with Stilicho; he was receptive to the embassy of Olympiodorus, an ambassador of the Eastern court, who sought to win him over to Constantinople with gleaming gifts that put the West’s much smaller bounty to shame[3]. The new Hunnic khagan[4] publicly rebuffed Stilicho’s own diplomats shortly after, and cognizant of the danger he was now facing to the east, the Western magister militum accordingly prepared for war once more.

    In happier news for Stilicho, his first grandson was born this year. Galla Placidia gave birth to Eucherius’ son in the spring: the infant was duly named Romanus, signifying his family’s continuing efforts to gain the acceptance of the Roman elite despite their Vandal origins. Of course, that young Romanus represented yet another descendant of Stilicho with strong blood ties to the Theodosian dynasty did not escape the notice of said Roman elite, upping the pressure on the still-childless Honorius to try to father children of his own. Alas, disappointingly for both those aristocrats and his wife (also Eucherius’ sister) Thermantia, he was simply not up for the task.

    War between the two Romes finally broke out again in 413, as Monaxius decided to strike immediately after the completion of Constantinople’s newest and strongest walls yet – christened the ‘Theodosian’ Walls after his young overlord. The 30,000-strong Eastern army, led by generals Ursus[5] and Taurus[6], marched straight toward Thessalonica, while the Huns crossed the Danube and burned down Ratiaria[7] almost immediately. While Stilicho was transporting the Western Empire’s legions to Illyricum by land and sea, it fell to Alaric to organize the prefecture’s defense against the Eastern Romans and Charaton, which he did from Thessalonica. His brother Ataulf was defeated on the border with the Eastern Empire at Philippi on May 13, after which Ursus and Taurus continued on to Thessalonica without further resistance and occupied Amphipolis along the way.

    Alaric and Ataulf marched with some 18,000 Goths and Western Romans to confront the Easterners by Lakes Koroneia and Volvi, a few miles east of Thessalonica. Though the Eastern army was larger, the lakes and streams inhibited their maneuvers and the heavy rain – both on the day of the clash and for the two days before – had further muddied the ground, something which the Visigoth brothers knew and took full advantage of. The normally devastating charge of the Eastern Roman cataphracts and clibinarii[8] floundered in the mud of the battlefield, the worsening rain made it difficult to impossible for either side (but particularly the East, which fielded more missile troops and particularly horse archers) to use their missile weapons to any effect, and the Western infantry lines were formed into dense shield-walls and further reinforced by the dismounted Gothic heavy cavalry, allowing them to easily resist the onslaught of their Eastern counterparts after the cavalry retreated. After several hours of bloody, insensible wrestling in the downpour and mud which left some 2,000 men dead total, Ursus and Taurus called it quits; ironically the adverse weather, coupled with the Visigoths’ decision to dismount their own cavalry, prevented the victorious West from pursuing them.

    Ufd40vQ.jpg

    The Visigoth infantry acquitted themselves well against the Eastern Roman army in the bloody melee near Lake Koroneia

    After the rain let up and the men had had a good few days’ rest, Alaric divided his forces. He moved to pursue the Eastern Romans to Philippi with the larger part of the army, while sending Ataulf with 6,000 men (and orders to collect reinforcements along the way) northward to deal with the incursion of their old enemies, the Huns. Alaric defeated Taurus’ rearguard in a small battle outside Amphipolis on May 25 and recaptured the town, but found the main Eastern Roman army to still be too large for him to face alone and so settled for holding the line around Amphipolis until Stilicho reinforced him.

    Elsewhere Charaton had burned and pillaged the Dacian provinces, razing Naissus and laying siege to the Visigothic capital at Serdica. While theoretically it may have made sense to hole up in the Pirin Mountains and leave everything to the north at the Huns’ nonexistent mercy, Ataulf had neither the sense nor the opportunity to do so, as even if he had he’d have been denounced by his brother and people for cowardice and punished by Stilicho for allowing Charaton to lay waste to northern Illyricum unopposed. So instead he decided to march directly against Charaton’s last-known whereabouts, hoping to catch Charaton before he could call his many raiding parties back to his side.

    But the Visigoth prince would enjoy no such luck. Though Charaton had dispersed the greater part of his strength into many smaller bands of raiders so that they could cover more ground & devastate the Dacian countryside more thoroughly in a shorter time, the Huns’ mounts allowed them to communicate and move more quickly than Ataulf’s infantry-heavy army, and move back to their master’s side they did. By the time Ataulf got into position to face Charaton outside Serdica on June 30 with some 10,000 men, Charaton was ready and awaited him with well over three times his number. In the battle that followed, the Western Romans had reason to feel optimistic as the first Hunnic charge broke against their lines and fell back seemingly in disarray, enticing no small number of legionaries and Visigoth warriors to pursue; but the Huns quickly stole their fleeting hope away, for in no time they revealed the ‘rout’ to be no more than a feigned retreat and turned to crush the Western Roman troops who broke formation to chase them. The greatly-outnumbered Roman and Visigoth cavalry was driven away by the Huns’ own heavy horsemen around the same time, leaving Ataulf and the infantry to be completely enveloped and destroyed.

    After hearing news of his brother’s demise, Alaric fell back to shelter behind Thessalonica’s walls, allowing Ursus and Taurus to advance and retake Amphipolis once more. By the time Stilicho’s forces, whether traveling down the Dalmatian coast or sailing to ports in Epirus, were able to concentrate around Diocleia, Alaric was besieged within the prefecture’s capital by both the Eastern Romans and Huns, the latter of whom taunted him with the sight of Ataulf’s head on a lance. Stilicho’s march to relieve the siege did not go unnoticed by Ursus, the senior Eastern Roman general, who advised Charaton to counter him while the Eastern Romans made preparations to storm Thessalonica.

    On August 18 the 33,000-strong Western Roman army met the Huns east of Edessa[9]. Since Stilicho occupied the high ground, Charaton decided to lure him downhill with another feigned retreat. At first it seemed this tactic wouldn’t take, as the Western Romans maintained discipline and held their ground despite the Huns charging uphill into their defenses, seemingly floundering and then racing back down several times; however, after the third such charge-and-retreat routine, Eucherius – in command of the Western Roman right – either lost his patience, thought the Huns were routing for real, or more likely felt a bit of both, and ordered his men to pursue. Charaton grew excited, sensing victory (or at least a concrete step toward it) was at hand, and committed his reserves to smash Eucherius on the low ground.

    However, Stilicho had not been blind to what his son had done, nor to what danger the latter was in now. Instead of doing what Charaton expected – to futilely call Eucherius back before he was crushed beneath the hooves of the Huns’ horses, or to abandon his son and focus on shoring up his own defenses – he ordered a general offensive, directing the rest of the Western Roman army off their hills in pursuit of the still-‘retreating’ Huns. This unforeseen downhill charge caught Charaton off-guard and turned his men’s feigned retreat into a real one, while his reserves proved insufficient to stem the tide. By the end of the day, the Huns were scattered and Charaton sent fleeing back north over the mountains, clearing Stilicho’s road to Thessalonica.

    F13AqFp.jpg

    Stilicho's cavalry prepare to charge in support of Eucherius' reckless downhill attack outside Edessa

    Meanwhile Ursus and Taurus had been trying, and failing, to take Thessalonica by storm. The city had been fortified to counter frequent Gothic and Hunnic raids over the past decades, and its new defenses were no easier for the Eastern Romans to crack in a head-on attack. Alaric and his army had also fought with an incredible ferocity, the Visigoth king in particular was motivated by a volcanic rage over his brother’s death, and time and again the Eastern Romans’ siege towers and rams were repulsed. A last-ditch night attack involving escalades and an effort to tunnel beneath Thessalonica’s walls was foiled by the defenders on September 14, after which Stilicho’s army came too close for the Eastern Romans’ comfort. Ursus and Taurus lifted the siege and retreated back onto Eastern Roman territory, while Stilicho gave chase and once more recovered Amphipolis, then Philippi; however, he did not chase his enemies any further than that, wary of Charaton’s regrouping Huns to the north and doubtful of his own ability to attack the new Theodosian Walls.

    The rest of 413 and the first months of 414 passed with little action between the two empires to speak of, just frequent low-intensity skirmishes along the Macedonian border and the Huns’ continued occupation of the northern Dacian provinces. Another major Saxon raid on Britain over the winter was repulsed again thanks to the efforts of Constantine, the Count of the Saxon Shore. Soon after Ursus and Taurus moved against Stilicho once they’d finished collecting reinforcements from Anatolia, while the Western magister militum prepared to face them – having raised new troops of his own from across the non-occupied parts of Illyricum over the previous fall and winter – and Charaton’s reordered horde descended on Thessalonica, where Alaric was still holding fast with a reinforced garrison. Thus this year’s campaign was shaping up to be a reversal from the last’s, where the Eastern Romans had been responsible for the siege and the Huns for the field battles.

    On June 1 Stilicho and the Eastern Romans met in pitched battle directly outside of Philippi, where Octavian and Mark Antony smote Caesar’s assassins and drove them to suicide half a millennium ago. This time it was the forces of the Orient that sought to circumvent those of the Occident by attacking through the marshes in the south end of the battlefield, as Ursus led the Eastern cavalry through those swamps to outflank Stilicho. Eucherius was tasked by his father with leading the Western Roman response, and much as he had at Lake Koroneia Ursus found his extremely heavily armored troops ill-adapted to combat in the marshes; he fled the field himself when he saw the younger and fitter Eucherius cutting a path directly toward him, and his horsemen followed suit. Meanwhile Stilicho had concentrated all of his own remaining cavalry into an iron fist of a formation in the dead center of his army ahead of his infantry, and smashed through Taurus’ own center just as he had done to Anthemius seven years earlier. The Eastern Romans fell back toward the border in disorder, taking more casualties in the retreat than they had in the battle itself as was often the case.

    While Stilicho reorganized his army, received a request for an armistice from Monaxius and prepared to relieve the siege of Thessalonica, Charaton continued to sit outside the city even after hearing of his Eastern Roman allies’ defeat, while sending raiding parties to pillage towns and kidnap civilians as far south as Attica. Apparently confident in the strength and numbers of his horde, he refused to retreat back to the Danube and instead attempted to take Thessalonica by storm when it became clear that, thanks to the movement of supplies by sea which he could not cut off without a navy of his own, starving Alaric into submission (as if the Gothic king wouldn’t cut his own throat first anyway) was impossible. Without the sophisticated siege weapons Ursus and Taurus could field in their own siege, his attacks were limited to dusk and night-time escalades which consistently proved even less successful.

    Stilicho returned to Thessalonica a full month after the Battle of Philippi, by which time Charaton was still camped outside the city and still futilely trying to break through its defenses. Thanks to his scouts he wasn’t blind to Stilicho’s approach, but – fueled by confidence in his numbers, which still slightly surpassed Stilicho’s, and lingering anger over having been bested by the Romano-Vandal last year – he decided on a rematch with the magister militum, rather than retreating as he probably should have. In preparation for the confrontation he recalled all but the furthest ranging of his raiders and allowing his troops six days of rest without further attacks on Alaric’s defenses. When Stilicho finally arrived, the khagan drew his own army up on the fields outside Thessalonica to meet him man-to-man.

    The battle did not seem to favor either side at first. Although Charaton put the Western Roman cavalry to flight early on, he was unable to crack Stilicho’s infantry formations either with feigned retreats or serious charges. Alaric sallied forth from Thessalonica partway through the clash, forcing Charaton to personally respond with his reserves; however, thanks to the khagan’s personal intervention, the Visigoth attack did not prove to be as decisive as either Alaric or Stilicho had hoped. The battle seesawed back and forth for several frantic, bloody hours until Alaric’s own son, a young man named Theodoric[10], chanced upon Charaton himself and drove a lance through the Hun warlord’s heart. The death of their khagan threw the Huns into a panic, and despite the efforts of his nephews Octar, Rugila and Mundzuk[11] to rally them, they still suffered heavy casualties in the rout that followed. An exultant Alaric hacked off Charaton’s head and, after he got tired of parading it around on a spear as Charaton had done with Ataulf's, eventually had it fashioned into a drinking cup.

    8HlvDOn.jpg

    The Goths and Western Romans defeat Charaton's Huns between them outside Thessalonica

    With the Huns in full flight back over the Danube and the Ostrogoths rising in revolt against them (for which the Western Romans sent them boats full of weapons), Stilicho turned to make his armistice with the East into a more permanent arrangement. He demanded no further territory from them or control over their court, for they still had unspent strength on the other side of the Bosporus: instead he demanded a significant indemnity in gold, and tribute over the next five years. Thus once more, Stilicho and the Occident had triumphed over the Orient. Ursus – as the more senior of the two Eastern Roman generals who took to the field – bore most of the shame for their defeat, for which he was demoted and banished to govern a few towns in the Egyptian province of Thebais; Taurus and Monaxius, meanwhile, survived with bruised esteem.

    After their latest bout 415, 416 and 417 were all mercifully quiet years for both halves of the Roman Empire. The Huns were too preoccupied with suppressing the Ostrogoth revolts and those of their other vassals to pose a threat to either East or West: in 415 the sons of Uldin reached a formal peace agreement with the Western imperial court in which they promised to contribute foederati on demand and further send a hostage, Mundzuk’s younger son Attila[12], to Ravenna in exchange for Honorius and Stilicho dropping their support for the Ostrogoths, resulting in the latter finally being subdued once more two years later. As a sign of the Romans’ own goodwill Stilicho sent a hostage of his own (albeit one far less valuable to him personally), an up-and-coming officer named Aetius, to spend three years among the Huns. Other than that, the most notable events of these three years (at least within the Roman world) were the 415 lynching of the Neoplatonic philosopher Hypatia by a Christian mob in Alexandria amid a chaotic power struggle between Bishop Cyril, the urban prefect Orestes, and the local Jews, as well as the formal declaration of Pelagianism to be a heresy in 417 (immediately followed by the death of Pope Innocent that same year).

    But 418 would prove to be another story entirely. Perhaps determined to prove his independence and masculinity after so many years under Stilicho’s thumb, Emperor Honorius insisted on touring the streets of Ravenna in the dead of winter over the objections of his wife and father-in-law – if anything, their concern for his health only made him want to attempt such an ill-considered venture even more. He promptly came down with pneumonia and died before seeing the next spring, much less finally fathering a child of his own. As Honorius lay on his sickbed, Stilicho – keenly aware that his own survival, both in a political and physical sense, depended on securing the succession to someone he could be absolutely sure didn’t want him dead, which necessarily excluded Theodosius II and every Roman aristocrat he could think of – worked to pressure the dying emperor into formally appointing Eucherius his successor. Feverish, delirious and purposefully kept isolated from everyone except his wife and in-laws who all kept advising him to this, Honorius finally gave in and awarded his brother-in-law the title of Caesar on January 24, a full week before his death. He would have turned 34 had he lived eight more months.

    As can be easily guessed, Honorius’ proclamation – as announced through Stilicho and his agents – was not exactly met with universal approval. If anything, it went about as smoothly as attempting to sail through a typhoon on a raft made of lead would. One could say that the increasingly gray-haired Stilicho, for all the challenges he’d overcome on the road to this point, would now have to face his greatest crisis yet…

    ====================================================================================

    [1] All this was pretty much as IOTL, with the exception of Stilicho still being alive to contribute to the Western imperial edict on Donatism.

    [2] Historically, Pelagius instead went to Palestine, where he argued with Saint Jerome.

    [3] Olympiodorus actually did visit Charaton’s court around this time IOTL, although his purpose was to appease the latter with gifts following the murder of a ‘Donatus’ who was of some uncertain importance to the Huns rather than to create a Hun-ERE alliance.

    [4] It’s not entirely clear what ethnicity the Huns were – they may have been Turkic, Mongolic, Yeniseian or even Indo-European – much less what they called their kings, though Attila at least was described as having East Asian physical features by the contemporary diplomat Priscus. For the purposes of this timeline I’ve settled on having the Huns themselves being a Turkic people and to call their rulers khans or khagans, as was the case with the Utrigurs, Kutrigurs & Onogurs after them, though their vast empire is of course still ethnically heterogenous with subjects ranging from Germanic peoples such as the Ostrogoths & Gepids to descendants of the (probably) proto-Mongolic Xiongnu.

    [5] Urban prefect of Constantinople, 415-416.

    [6] Son of Aurelian, who was Praetorian Prefect of the East from 399 to 400 and also Consul in the year 400, and nephew to another Taurus who held the consular dignity in 361. This particular Taurus was Consul in 428 and Praetorian Prefect twice, in 433-434 and again in 445.

    [7] Near Vidin.

    [8] Another category of Persian-inspired, ultra-heavy cavalry similar to the cataphracts.

    [9] No relation to the more famous Edessa in the Middle East; this Edessa is located in Macedonia, at the entrance of the Pindus Mountains.

    [10] The future Theodoric I, who historically allied with Aetius to oppose Attila and was killed at the Battle of the Catalaunian Plains in 451.

    [11] Historically, Octar and Rugila succeeded Charaton as joint rulers of the Huns after his death. Their brother Mundzuk was the father of the more famous Bleda and Attila.

    [12] Attila was reportedly sent as a hostage to the WRE as part of a treaty in his childhood IOTL.
     
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    Four emperors enter...
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    The Curia Julia[1], February 12 418

    “When, O Stilicho, do you mean to cease abusing the patience of this assembly? How much longer will you dare to mock us? When will there be an end to that unbridled audacity of yours, you savage, swaggering about the throne of emperors as it does now?”[2] Priscus Attalus[3] thundered, pacing and gesticulating dramatically as he did, while the rest of the Roman Senate watched in attentive silence. “Alas we all know his answer to these questions, conscript fathers: never! This cruel and cunning son of a barbaric brute from the far end of the Earth and a provincial harlot, will never rest until he has dishonored all our ancestors and everything they have left us, ‘till he has firmly placed his barbarian boot on the neck of Rome.”

    As the Senators whispered, and as those whispers swelled to a great rumbling of indignation, Priscus continued with greater vigor. “This will be hard to hear, conscript fathers, but it is a truth that must be heard none-the-less: we too bear responsibility for this state of affairs. It is necessary to use your words, Cicero: O the times! O the customs!” He raised one hand with dramatic flourish, then let it fall with an exaggerated sigh. “We, the Senate, know the answer to this man’s very presence is – must be – a great ‘No!’ that will resound for another thousand years; and yet, still we have allowed this Stilicho to live. Worse, when one of our number – the late Olympius, whose passing I still lament – tried to put a stop to his scheming and to drive the barbarians out of the homes of our fathers, did any of us stand with him? Nay, we abandoned him and allowed him to be thrown from Aurelian’s walls as soon as the struggle became more difficult than he and we had anticipated.” He stamped his feet to further impress his point. “Stilicho marched into our city, the heart of the world, like a conqueror immediately afterward; and did any of us risk their lives to rush at him with knife in hand, as our forefathers did unto Caesar? Nay, yet again, to our great shame we did no such thing!”

    “Were our veins still filled with hot red blood rather than cold and brackish water, we would not have allowed us to believe our duty to the public included meekly bowing our heads in his presence, as dogs do before their master. Such was what it took to avert Stilicho’s fury, such was the price of peace for the people who rely so greatly on our prudence; or so I – and I am certain, far too many of you – had thought.”
    Priscus bowed his head, as if bearing the weight of his own shame at such an indignity upon his brow, and closed his eyes; when he opened them again, he saw that while some of the Senators were visibly annoyed and perceived his speech to be insulting, others continued to listen, and seemed to be taking his words as a challenge. Good. “But it was not. In trying to stave off his wrath with gifts and obedience and a golden silence, we have only made the madling bolder and madder still. Even now he dares to place one of his brood, an ill-born dog scarcely more noble than and certainly just as savage as himself, to be our sovereign – our king[4] – claiming the late and dearly departed Honorius made him his heir! Are we, the sons of Romulus and Scipio and Augustus, to now accept this mongrel Eucherius’ invitation to prostrate ourselves before him and his father? Shall we allow our children to be slaves to theirs next?”

    “Never!” One Senator’s voice arose from the benches, followed by that Senator himself. “I for one would sooner drown them, and myself, in the Tiber than submit to the kingship of Stilicho the Vandal and his son!” Priscus subtly nodded at the man; he had paid this Auchenius Bassus[5] well for his support in his scheme, and so far the latter had not disappointed him. Others quickly joined him in opposition to Stilicho, rapidly swelling the chorus of dramatic denunciations and proclamations of defiance, and Priscus was further pleased to note that he never bribed or approached quite a few of the new speakers. “We must turn the sinking ship of state around immediately!” “Can we even call ourselves Romans if we allow this Eucherius to drape himself in the purple?” “Death to the Vandal and all who would follow him!”

    “It gladdens me to see that Roman virtue and intrepidity have yet to be extinguished, after all.” Old Priscus declared, allowing himself a small smile, once the frenzy had ended and the rest of the Senate quieted down. “Still, if we are united in defiance of Stilicho and his son, we must move with both caution and haste. We must have a leader, and soon: a man of conviction and purpose who can prepare this place, our Eternal City, for the inevitable retribution of that tyrant who dreams himself our king, and then to drive him back not just to Ravenna but into the very sea!” He emphasized himself by forming his right hand into a fist, and slamming it down into his left palm. “A strong and wise leader, a true heir to the great Augusti of the past, who can restore Rome to its past glory – purified of the stains of barbarism and effete weakness which has been allowed to take hold in the past centuries!”

    “You are that man, Priscus!” Another of his catspaws, Junius Agricola, cried out from his seat, pointing down at Priscus. “Your words have moved our hearts already; now, use them to move the rest of Rome to our side! You alone, with your incredible wit and golden tongue, can stir the Roman people against Stilicho and his sycophants!” Funny he should end his spiel with those words, for that was a little too sycophantic for Priscus' own taste. Oh well – what mattered most was whether it would nudge the rest of the Senate toward accepting him as their emperor.

    “I am an old man of seventy years. Just as the hairs have almost wholly deserted my head, so too has almost all of the strength left my bones.” Priscus continued, making himself sound frail, hoarse and almost quiet in comparison to his speechifying just a few moments ago. Then, as he launched into the final part of his speech, he reintroduced that past firmness and volume to his words. “Never-the-less, if it is the will of the Senate and the People of Rome, I will arise to the challenge of the imperial office. If I am to don the purple and the laurel wreath, I shall expend what energies the gods have left me to destroy the very memory of the Vandal Stilicho and his spawn, and restore to the aforementioned Senate and People of Rome the dignity and freedom which are theirs by right. If I should waver, may the heavens strike me dead. This I, Priscus Attalus, swear by any god who will hear, whether he be Jove who my esteemed ancestors revered, or the Most High God of Constantine and Theodosius Magnus!”

    When the aged Senator finished his speech, he took a deep breath and held it, carefully watching for how the rest of the Senate would react. For a long moment he experienced doubt: had he done enough, given away enough, to secure the loyalty of the chamber? All those favors he’d dispensed and then called in – the cushy appointments he’d arranged, the fortunes in jewelry and Baetic garum and attractive slaves he’d given out, the sale of land and attached coloni at well below market prices – he came to fear it hadn’t been sufficient, and that he had just gravely embarrassed himself or worse. But then Bassus and Agricola rose again to applaud him, and the Senators – at first one by one, then in groups, and the remainder in a great rush – moved to join them in their standing ovation. Old Priscus bowed his head to hide his widening grin as he heard that which he had wanted to hear for years, repeated over and over until the chorus seemed to shake the ceiling of the Curia Julia: “Vivat Priscus! Vivat Priscus Augustus!”

    Now, Priscus hoped, the officers and soldiery of Italy would be less expensive to buy off than these Senators.

    Great Palace of Constantinople, February 20 418

    “He – he dares?!” Theodosius II, grandson of the great man after whom he was named and master of the Roman East, thought he had mastered his stammer by his ninth birthday; but now, he was finding out that it returned whenever he got into such a rage that he could no longer control himself. “Uncle Honorius has only just turned cold, and that accursed Stilicho has already dug his claws into the throne of the Occident! Who is he, that son of a barbarian, to wed Aunt Galla to his son and demand I – son and grandson of emperors – recognize that mutt as master of the West?! Th – this – this is an outrage!”

    He crumpled the message in his fist and threw it onto the carefully tiled floor, on which he was now pacing and stomping until he was out of breath. “Has that Vandal not sufficiently repaid Grandfather’s generosity with insults and the sword already? Now he wants his own blood to sit Grandfather’s throne too, does he? I will not stand for this pretense, I – will – not!” The Western Roman messenger had retreated behind one of the gold-veined marble pillars in fear, his sister Pulcheria cringed on her chair next to the throne, his stalwart childhood companion Paulinus[6] looked away – only Monaxius, the Praetorian Prefect of the East, and the eunuchs Antiochus and Chrysaphius[7] refused to retreat from the presence of the infuriated teenage Emperor.

    “If you intend on chastising this upjumped provincial barbarian, great and mighty emperor, give the word and I shall be happy to lead the legions against him.” Monaxius rumbled haughtily, crossing his thick arms. “I am most eager for a rematch with him and whatever hordes of savages he can conjure up, myself. Allow me the honor of fighting to redeem my good name from the stain he placed upon it in our last contention, Augustus; I swear on my life that I will not disappoint you, and that this time I will not rely on less-than-reliable lieutenants to do the fighting for me.”

    “Oh, truly? You had best not, Prefect. I command that you return victorious this time.” Theodosius snapped, scornful. “Do not forget how your predecessor’s predecessor fell from my good graces. You were fortunate that your own defeat at Stilicho’s bloody hands was not nearly as grave as his.” Monaxius nodded and bowed deeply, all the better to hide how he was gritting his teeth at his young overlord’s petulance.

    Now Paulinus had turned to face the Eastern Emperor and offer up his own advice. “Perhaps we can avoid bloodshed, august emperor. If you were to send your own messenger to Ravenna – offer Stilicho mutually agreeable terms – “

    “Oh, dear Paulinus, what terms could we possibly offer that do not involve allowing him – or any of his ilk – to sit anywhere near my departed uncle’s throne?” Theodosius cut his oldest friend off, exasperated.

    “That indeed cannot be and is not something you should even think of considering, august emperor.” The silky voice of Chrysaphius interjected. The younger eunuch seemingly meekly bowed his head, turning himself into the very picture of fragility, when Theodosius snarled, “What gave you the impression that I was thinking of allowing such a travesty at all?!” But that did not prevent him from continuing, “I apologize if I gave you offense, ruler of rulers. I simply wished to make it clear, particularly to the envoy from Ravenna – “ He pointed to the man, who Theodosius now noticed was watching from behind a pillar and angrily motioned to step back into sight, “That as the great and righteous Honorius has sadly failed to leave behind an heir-of-the-body before God called him to Heaven, you and you alone are the lawful Emperor of all Rome. You should not entertain anyone who pretends the contrary is the case; neither Stilicho’s brood, nor the pagan Senator in Rome who challenges you as Eugenius once challenged your august grandfather either.”

    “Yes – truly there is and can be no rightful Augustus but yourself…” Paulinus began in the most soothing voice he could muster, even as he was running a hand through his earth-brown hair. “So you should inform Stilicho of that truth, Emperor Theodosius. Offer to retain his services as magister militum of the Western legions, on the condition that his son sets aside his farcical pretense and both of them swear allegiance to you as is only proper. We know Stilicho to be many things, an able commander among them; let him occupy himself with the West’s troubles in your name, and keep Rome united forevermore beneath the auspices of the House of Theodosius. If he is loyal to Rome – if he was ever truly loyal to the Empire and to your grandfather – he will accept, and avoid shedding Roman blood for the fourth time in ten years.”

    Theodosius opened his mouth, then closed it. The fury on his face gave way to a look of more careful consideration, and for a fleeting moment Paulinus dared to hope that he had gotten through to his longtime companion. His feelings were further reinforced when Antiochus spoke in support: “Your friend speaks wisely, mighty ruler-of-all-rulers. Our own forces have been bloodied from clash after clash with this Stilicho, and those battles we have fought against him have not gone well for us. Why not try something different, and see if we can turn this enemy into a friend? Let him expend his strength to crush Priscus Attalus in your name and contend with any other threat that might arise against the Roman world in the West, while you grow ever stronger and wealthier in the East.”

    But that hope was quickly dashed by Pulcheria and Chrysaphius. First the Emperor’s sister, as short and slender as Theodosius himself, opined, “It would be foolish to put any trust in Stilicho. He has assailed us twice already, as Antiochus the Persian here has so kindly reminded us, and is well known to consort with even worse barbarians like that Goth Alaric, whose horde even now pesters and steals from the good citizens of Macedonia and Dacia.”

    A haughty expression came upon her face, and as Paulinus looked into her dark eyes, he felt he was staring into the same abyss that had consumed the blood of so many hubristic Roman emperors and their soldiers in the past. “We owe the Vandal nothing, brother. If he is indeed your subject – as he lawfully is, for you are the one and only Augustus in the world – and has half as much respect for Roman authority as he claims, then he should come here to throw himself at your feet and count himself lucky if you do not demand his head for having killed thousands of your soldiers in two wars.” Unfortunately for him, he knew that he and Antiochus had lost the argument as soon as he turned to look at Theodosius, who seemed to be hanging onto his sister’s every word.

    Next the pretty eunuch threw a loose strand of curly chestnut hair over his shoulder with sufficient flair to recapture Theodosius’ attention, then he opened his pouty mouth to further poison Paulinus’ proposal. “No emperor should ever have to barter with their subjects, mighty Augustus. Your sister has the right of it – your place is to command, Stilicho’s is to obey without question. You should send the envoy back with a message of your own: that you alone are Emperor of Rome and master of all the parts of the world worth living in, that he should immediately return the half of Illyricum which he stole from you, and that in return you may just be willing to pardon him for his crimes against you and the Roman people.” The cubicularius fluttered his long eyelashes even as he turned to nod at Monaxius and added, “And of course, you should send Prefect Monaxius west with an army anyway, just in case Stilicho refuses and reveals his true colors, as I fear he will.”

    “Honored emperor – “ Paulinus began hopelessly, but Theodosius did not seem to hear before declaring, “Well said, sister! And you as well, cubicularius. You heard them, messenger: take those terms back to your barbarian lord in Ravenna. Let Stilicho know that I will, indeed, exhibit more mercy than he deserves and allow him to retire to a villa on, oh I don’t know…the Pontine Islands, perhaps – if he submits himself and his son to my authority, as is only proper. He may however rest easy in the knowledge that I have no intention of recognizing that old Senator, Priscus Attalus, as emperor of the Occident, either: I and I alone, as the sole male descendant of Theodosius Magnus still living, am Augustus Imperator.” He dismissed the envoy with a wave before turning to Monaxius. “And you, Prefect! Prepare the legions. I want you on the road to Thessalonica as soon as possible, no matter whether Stilicho has been educated in the nature of the imperial succession by then or not. Also, take that barbarian – Siger-whatever his name is – with you; I grow weary of hearing him complain about wanting to avenge his brother’s death every day.”

    Without another word the emperor dismissed the rest of the imperial court, too, before storming away with Antiochus, Chrysaphius and a few other attendants following close behind. Monaxius departed to carry out his orders and Pulcheria to pray for the Eastern legions’ victory in the conflict all but Theodosius knew would erupt, leaving Paulinus to despondently ponder how much more blood the East would shed and how much longer they could count on Shah Yazdgerd’s goodwill on their eastern border.

    Portus Adurni[8], February 28 418

    “I’m telling you, Father made a mistake hiring those barbarians. These Jutes have raided our shores for a century, and now that we have welcomed them onto our island with open arms and offered them homes here they will bury their long knives in our backs at the first opportunity – I’m sure of it.” Constans[9], who had commanded the British field legions as Comes Britanniarum until said father was acclaimed Emperor by his men & others and in turn elevated him to Caesar yesterday, grumbled to his brother. The two were making their way through the harbor’s rough-cobbled streets toward the barrack where their now-imperial father was holding his final war council, their breath visible in the wintry air even with the Sun at its peak.

    “I’m sure he knows what he’s doing.” Replied Julian[10], the younger of the duo and former legate of Portus Lemanis’[11] garrison. They hurried past several of those Jutes the elder was just talking about, tall and fierce-looking warriors with shaggy blond beards and long barbed spears[12]. “If he didn’t, there’s no way he would have allowed the legions to raise him up on their shields the other day, and we wouldn’t be imperial princes right now. Besides, did you see what that Jutish king was offering him?” He whistled at the thought of that curvy Jutish princess, Rowena. “Little surprise that he’d agree to an alliance when it’s reinforced by the hand of such a beautiful maiden. I can’t even blame him for not having the presence of mind to suggest she marry me instead, though we are much closer in age than he and her. Hell, I wouldn’t blame him if he chose to spend all day with her rather than call this council.”

    “Julian! That’s no way to speak of our new stepmother, barbarian though she may be.” Constans waited until after they’d dodged a sprinting messenger to punch his little brother in the shoulder, smirking while Julian guffawed. “Anyway, I pray you’re right.” He sighed, shaking his head and with it, the smirk off his face. “Myself though, until and unless one of those savages brings us any of the false emperors’ heads, I’ll never trust them any further than I can throw them. And I certainly wouldn’t allow them anywhere near my wife and children even if I did have faith in them.” Though Julian might be rather enamored with their father’s new wife, he only had eyes for his fair Artoria. She’d told him that she was pregnant again just a week ago, and though little Constantia and Helena certainly brought him no small amount of joy, he’d been praying that God would allow her to give birth to a son this time around. Perhaps such a boy would even take after her and be born with bright golden hair and green eyes, rather than the red hair and blue eyes of his father and sisters.

    “Then you’re never going to be able to trust our new and not-so-dear grandfather, are you Constans?” Julian wisecracked as they entered the praetorium[13] of Portus Adurni. That new grandfather-by-marriage’s twin brother went unmentioned, for not even the more trusting Julian had it in him to try to like the perpetually sneering Jutish prince who could not be bothered to act civil even during the negotiations. “No wonder that man put a horse on his banner even though not one of his warriors are horsemen, I’d imagine he eats one for lunch and supper every day – I can scarcely believe he could’ve fathered dear stepmother Rowena.” The brothers were laughing out loud as they opened the door to their father’s office, quieting only when they saw the dead-serious look on that violet-cloaked old man’s face. Once they took their seats by his side – Constans on his right and Julian, his left – their father rose to speak.

    “I am certainly pleased to see my sons cared to join us,” Flavius Claudius Constantine began, visibly annoyed at their tardiness. “Would that they had done so with greater haste and less time wasted on japes, then perhaps we could have begun this war council before high noon.” Julian had the grace to look sheepish, while the prouder Constans crossed his arms above his chest and huffed. The self-proclaimed emperor ran a hand through his hair, the copper already turned to silver in many places as he approached his sixtieth birthday, while with the other he began tracing movements from Britain’s Saxon Shore to positions across the Oceanus Britannicus[14].

    “We will avoid the shores which fall under the authority of the Dux Belgicae Secundae[15], he is not a man I can trust to join us and the Franks live close enough that they can reinforce him while we’re still securing a beach-head.” Constantine tapped his finger at and around Abricantis[16]. “Instead, we will strike further west. The Dux tractus Armoricani et Nervicani[17], unlike his eastern neighbor, has proven receptive to promises of gold and honors in my service and will go over to us as soon as we land. I also have it on good intelligence that the Armorican tribes will march to join us. Until we secure Grannona[18] and Lutetia[19], Abricantis will serve as a fine place for my praetorium on the continent.”

    Now he began to address the other commanders around the table specifically. “When we march inland, though we will all have different objectives, we will concentrate around Lutetia once we meet those objectives or are pressed by too great a foe to defeat on our lonesome. We shall divide our army into three great columns: of these, I will personally command the greatest and march directly on that city. The second column is to be comprised of our new Jutish friends,” Constantine nodded at the tremendously fat King Hengist and his younger twin Horsa, “And is to march along the continent’s half of the Saxon Shore until you reach and secure Grannona. The third column will march into Andegavia and secure its civitas[20]. Comprised of forces from Eburacum[21] and beyond, as well as any Armorican allies who join us, this host will be yours to command, Gerontius.” He indicated the Dux Britanniarum[22], who nodded firmly while crossing his arms. “My son Julian will ride at my side. Meanwhile Constans, as Caesar you will have the honor of commanding my vanguard, which is to be comprised of your Roxolani, Iazyges and Taifals[23] – carry your dragon standard ahead of us with pride, and be the last of us to withdraw if we should ever encounter difficulty on the field of battle. Any questions?”

    “Yes.” Constans spoke up before Constantine could sit down. “What forces are we leaving in Britain itself, august father? Far be it for me to question the loyalty or ability of our new Jutish allies, but Hengist’s people are not the only ones to have attacked Britain’s shores over the past century. Will there be any forces left to defend our people from their depredations?” He had little faith in the Jutes to begin with, and did not doubt for a second that their Angle and Saxon cousins would attack Britannia with greater fervor than ever – quite possibly with the support of said Jutes – if they sensed vulnerability.

    “Heh-heh! You have nothing to fear with my warriors guarding your shores, prince.” Horsa spoke before Constantine could, to both father and son’s surprise and irritation. “Rest assured they can keep that jewel of a wife you’ve got safe and well-entertained, just as they can the rest of Britain’s treasures.” The massive Jute’s Latin was roughly accented and halting, for he had only recently learned the language, but he chose his words carefully enough to ensure that the Britons could understand each and every one.

    Perhaps it was the younger Jutish warlord’s choice of words, or his leer, or the way he was stroking his long flaxen mustache. Whatever it was, it was provocation enough that Constans bolted upright from his seat with one hand clenched around his sword’s hilt. “Care to explain what you mean, barbarian?”

    Constantine gripped his heir’s left arm, while Hengist placed a hand on his mirror image’s chest and silenced his thunderous laughter with a sharp glare. It would not do to sunder their alliance so soon after they had negotiated terms acceptable to both long-opposed camps. “Forgive my brother, noble prince. He meant no offense, only that our warriors are faithful and valiant enough that you have nothing to fear with them protecting your shores.” The Jutish king spoke as quickly as his limited grasp on Latin allowed, hoping to allay Constans’ fury before it spilled over with his rush of words. “And our bards, while the finest in the world, certainly respect the boundaries set by men, gods and your Most High God alike. My own Rowena will similarly be happy to respectfully keep your wife company, as she would any of her blood-sisters.” Antagonizing the Romano-Britons would have to wait: for now, his people had only just started settling Tonetic, or as the former called it, Toliatis[24].

    As the Caesar opened his mouth to snarl at the Jutes, Constantine more forcefully tugged on his arm and growled, “Hold, son, hold! I’ll have no fighting at my war council.” At that irony, Julian chuckled, but nobody else in the room – tense as it was – so much as blinked, and he himself piped down as he noticed a vein was pulsing in his father’s fast-reddening neck. “We must all save our strength for the battles to come. ‘Tis true that I have indeed planned for some of the Jutes to guard our shores against their cousins from across the sea. However, if it will set your mind at ease, I will also leave faithful Justinianus[25] and several thousand of the coastal levies behind to support them in their duties.” And watch them, went unspoken, but Constans understood well enough (and certainly was in no hurry to let out his father’s obviously repressed rage) to sit back down with a grunt. Nevertheless, he made a mental note to warn Artoria to take their children and move from their villa outside Camulodunum[26] to the safety of Londinium’s praetorium before setting sail for the mainland.

    “If there are no other objections…” And indeed no others arose. “Then this council is dismissed. See to your men: we will leave these shores within the next three days. God willing, we will cast down Eucherius, Priscus Attalus, and anyone else who stands between me and the purple.” Constantine did not begrudge Eucherius and Stilicho for their barbarian heritage; his own family had heavily intermarried with the local Britons, hence why he and his sons all had the red hair foreign to their ancestors among the gens Claudii. The same had been true of the rest of the Romano-British establishment, including Constans’ in-laws the Artorii Casti. But as far as he was concerned, Eucherius had no claim to the purple past his father’s swords, and if that were the case, Constantine had his own; so, why not make his own bid for the empire? Better him than that breathless old fool who’d bribed the Senate into acclaiming him, this Priscus Attalus, or the even more girlish emperor to the East who’d been raised among painted eunuchs. “Most Reverend Pelagius, would you care to give us a blessing before we depart?”

    “Certainly, great emperor.” The last of the great men around the round war table, this elderly and controversial British prelate who Constantine had installed as Bishop of Londinium after running the last one out at swordpoint for denouncing him as a traitor, stood up to cross himself and raise his hands to Heaven. The other Britons similarly crossed themselves before clasping their hands and bowing their heads in prayer in their seats, having joined his fast-growing following in the island province, though the pagan Jutes did nothing of the sort.

    “Almighty Lord, though in Your infinite mercy and kind regard for their freedom You do not fix men’s destinies before them, we ask that you give Imperator Constantinus, third of that name, and his noble heirs the strength and courage to carve for themselves a glorious and purple-clad destiny. Bless them with vigor as they march to depose the unrighteous usurpers in Ravenna and Rome, as well as to challenge the tyrant in Constantinople who – together with his blinded bishops – refuses to recognize either the free will You have gifted unto the humble creatures You formed from the earth from our first breath, nor Your dispensation of the gift of mercy to all who honestly work for it. Allow them to set a splendid example of virtue to all who encounter them on their righteous struggle. Amen!”[27]

    Imperial palace of Ravenna, March 4 418

    “We will move against the Senate and their usurper as soon as possible, with as much strength as we can muster in Italy. I want all of Annonaria’s[28] comital legions, as well as those of Dalmatia and every single one of the Gothic foederati in these provinces, to march with me.” Eucherius, now wearing the deep purple cloak and jeweled diadem which had graced his brother-in-law until last month, no longer looked to his father as he gave orders to the men surrounding their war table.

    For his part, Stilicho subtly nodded in approval: time and experience had tempered the count-turned-emperor well, lending to him a confident air and reducing his need to rely on Stilicho’s own fatherly advice. Though it was natural for a father to feel some regret when his son flies out of the coop, the magister militum understood things had to be this way, if he were to retain that crown after Stilicho himself was called to face God’s judgment; his own blond hair was fast turning gray and the strength in his bones waning with time’s steady march. A shame the same had not been true of the late Honorius - Stilicho had tried raising that imperial predecessor as well as he could, and he still privately mourned the joyful fool of a boy he’d been, even if he felt significantly less warm toward the craven and treacherous fool of a man he grew up to be. The Lord alone knows what disasters would have befallen Rome without Stilicho to rule in his stead.

    “All well and good, Augustus.” Alaric grumbled from across the desk, evidently sharing less positive sentiment toward the new emperor than Stilicho. The Visigoth king’s blood-red hair had been turning to the color of steel under the weight of age, while wrinkles and lines spread across his face. “But I fear you may have forgotten the threat to our Eastern border. I don’t think Theodosius will take kindly to your refusal to bend your knee to him, and I certainly hope you aren’t assuming I alone can hold back the legions which have already crossed the border at Philippi.”

    “Come now, Alaric…” The similarly-aging Stilicho admonished the Gothic king, raising a hand to point at him. “You have held Theodosius and Monaxius back with half their strength once before. Yours are a people experienced in the art of war, who have fought alongside ours to one victory after another in past years! I am confident you can withstand the power of the Orient for a few months. That will be all we need to crush this Priscus Attalus, this wriggling worm who dares imitate the speech of a long-dead dragon in his challenge to my son.”

    At those words Alaric let out a short, barking laugh, though the humor did not reach his silver eyes. “While I’m pleased that you have so much faith in me and my warriors, great commander, the fact remains that I would have to be luckier than any of my forefathers to last those ‘few months’ against the kind of army my border-sentries have reported.” He turned to glance at Eucherius. “Can you not spare any of the Dalmatian legions at all, emperor?”

    “Not if I am to deal with Attalus and the Senate quickly, I’m sorry to say.” Eucherius shook his head and ran a hand through his fair hair, looking gravely concerned. “I was not expecting the governors and garrisons of Suburbicaria[29] to declare for him so uniformly…”

    “Neither was I.” Stilicho added, suddenly sounding quite grim. Apparently the purges he had undertaken after disposing of Olympius had not been thorough enough.

    “So, while I acknowledge the East poses by far the greater threat, Attalus and his forces are like a dagger that is already on my throat. If I were to march east with the Italian and Dalmatian legions now, he could easily overrun Ravenna and doom us all before we reach you at Thessalonica.” Eucherius could not allow Ravenna to fall to the rebels. It was after all the seat of his government, formal capital of the West, and home to his family; his wife Galla Placidia, who formed part of his very claim to Honorius’ throne, was pregnant again, and he believed Priscus Attalus would kill that still-unborn child and their elder son Romanus at the first opportunity.

    “But as my father says, you should have no fear about the strength of your army compared to the Orient’s legions!” The emperor pointed to a taller and broad-shouldered officer. “I understand, Aetius, that you have only just returned from the court of the Hunnic kings; but sadly I must give the task of returning to them and calling them to arms in our service, for they are the only earthly power capable of evening the odds between Alaric and the Eastern legions on such short notice. If you must, remind them that their nephew is still under our power.”

    “I cannot say I particularly enjoy their company, honored emperor, but I will do as you command regardless.” Aetius replied, shooting a cold look at the hostage of which they spoke. This nephew of the Hunnish lords, a jet-haired boy who had a wolfish countenance even at his young age, in turn glared back at them with his ink-black eyes, having sat in sullen silence as his ‘guardians’ spoke of him and his fate as if he were not there. Though they had met only a week prior, they had taken an instant dislike to one another; Aetius thought him a surly and ungrateful brat, while young Attila seemed to resent all Romans for having humiliated his people in battle and taken him from his family – the aptitude he demonstrated for his lessons in Roman classics and at arms alike had been clouded by his increasingly rebellious attitude, which his tutors’ efforts to impose discipline on him only fueled even further.

    Meanwhile, Alaric was visibly ambivalent about the prospect of fighting alongside the people who had persecuted his own for a century and killed his brother, nevermind that he also turned the skull of their last monarch into a goblet. He let out a sigh and shook his head, unsure whether to laugh or rage at the irony. Instead of doing either he turned to face Stilicho and groused, “You really should’ve wiped out this treacherous and bothersome Thing[30] of yours when you had the chance, eh Stilicho?” At least if he’d given that Senate of his a good thrashing back when Olympius rose against him, as Alaric would have if they had been an assembly of rebellious Gothic nobles, they could fight together against the East immediately and he wouldn’t have to treat with the Huns at all.

    “…yes, I truly should have. That would have made this all much easier.” Stilicho admitted, grimacing. Those Senators had always looked down on him for his barbarian origins, and though he had shown them great clemency after defeating Olympius, they had repaid him with a rebellion he could ill-afford at this time. He would, and could not make the same mistake again. Alaric heard him, and laughed boomingly at the admission.

    “By God, the Senate will face a reckoning for their treason, and for their constant spitting on our mercy and sacrifices.” Eucherius shared his father’s anger over the matter, but seemed far less amused at the thought than the Visigoth. “For now however, let us focus on eliminating the threat their legions pose to Ravenna before thinking about the punishments we can mete out to them, much less what to do after this war is behind us.” He turned to his chief bureaucrat, the man in charge of his secretaries and logisticians, recommended by Stilicho for that role on account of his administrative competence. Primicerius Joannes[31], how well-provisioned are our armies?”

    “Very, honored Augustus.” The spindly, middle-aged administrator replied with a courteous nod. “The supply trains of the legions have been well-prepared for any occurrence, including this unfortunate fratricidal war we have found ourselves in, these past few years: rest assured neither you nor any of the other mighty men around this table will have to forage across the countryside to feed your soldiers any time soon. With any luck, you will not have to deal with further distractions while you contend with Attalus and Theodosius, and so will be able to defeat them before that changes – “

    “Forgive me, great emperor, but I bring urgent news from the magister equitum per Gallias!” A messenger hastened into the war room, visibly sweaty and out of breath after not only dashing all the way here but arguing with the palace guards to let him in. “Britannia has risen against you. They have acclaimed the Comes Littoris Saxonici Constantine as emperor, and he has in turn installed the heretic Pelagius in the seat of the Bishop of Londinium before moving into Gaul where Dux Nebiogastes[32] has – far from opposing his landing – joined him with all his soldiers and the Armoric tribes! Constantius urgently requests any aid you might be able to send him.”

    At the news of Constantine’s treason, the Western Romans around the table seemed to lose heart. Eucherius groaned and lowered his head into his hands, Aetius’ confident expression wavered, Joannes cringed and Alaric brought a fist down onto the war table, snarling at the primicerius, “Now why the FUCK did you have to tempt the Devil like that, fool?! Is your skull as soft as your hands?!” All knew that if they had nothing to spare for Alaric, they assuredly had even less than nothing to give Constantius. But Stilicho did not visibly despair at the crumbling and increasingly absurd strategic situation they were facing: instead, he threw his head back and laughed at it all. “Ah, splendid!” He was still chuckling as the others turned to look at him, incredulous. Perhaps, in his old age, death no longer commanded fear in his heart as it used to when he was younger. “I was getting worried this war would be too easy for us.”

    And at these words, those others – starting with Alaric, then Eucherius, followed by Aetius, Joannes and the rest of the Western Roman officers in the room – began to share in the magister militum’s laughter, their mounting fears and concerns dispelled for that brief moment in time.

    ====================================================================================

    [1] The Senate’s meeting house since 29 BC, when it was completed by Augustus (construction began in 44 BC under Caesar).

    [2] Taken almost word-for-word from the first of Cicero’s Catiline Orations.

    [3] Historically, Priscus Attalus was a failed usurper twice over, both times as a Visigothic puppet: first in 409-410, then again in 414-415. He was the last pagan to try to claim the purple, although he allowed himself to be baptized during his first usurpation.

    [4] The Romans were famously sore about the idea of being ruled by a ‘king’ (Rex) since they ousted Tarquin the Proud, and avoiding this stigma was why Augustus (and generally, Roman rulers between him and the much more openly autocratic Diocletian) preferred to be known as Imperator (emperor/commander) and Princeps Civitalis (first citizen) instead. Naturally Priscus – here trying to justify his usurpation by championing Roman traditionalism against interloping ‘barbarian’ ‘kings’ – would love to cast Stilicho & Eucherius in the hated regal terms, and himself as the ever-flattering servant of the SPQR.

    [5] Named after a 4th-century urban prefect of Rome.

    [6] Paulinus was indeed a noted childhood companion of Theodosius’, and historically helped arrange his marriage to Aelia Eudocia. For this he was rewarded by being promoted to magister officiorum, one of the empire’s highest bureaucratic positions, until he fell out of favor thanks to the machinations of Chrysaphius.

    [7] Chrysaphius was a prominent eunuch official of Theodosius’ court, said to be favored by the Emperor for his great beauty. He gained a sinister reputation for corruption at home and appeasing the Huns abroad, which turned out to be extremely expensive for the ERE. In 418 he had yet to attain his highest rank of Eastern praepositus sacri cubiculi (Antiochus still occupies that office), instead still being a cubicularius or regular palace eunuch – if still a much more important one than his peers thanks to the Emperor’s affection.

    [8] Portchester.

    [9] Eldest son of the usurper Constantine III, who conquered parts of Hispania for his father and killed several of Honorius’ cousins. Historically he was betrayed and captured by Gerontius, another of Constantine’s commanders, who put him to death in Vienne in 411.

    [10] Constantine’s second son, a far more obscure figure than his brother.

    [11] Lympne.

    [12] Angons – javelins probably inspired by the Roman pilum, known to have been used by the Anglo-Saxons, Franks and other Germanic peoples of the Migration Period.

    [13] An officer’s or governor’s quarters, originally just a tent, but by this time more likely a permanent building of varying size and luxury. It could range from a simple barrack, as is the case here in Portus Adurni, to a full-on palace in larger cities.

    [14] The Channel.

    [15] Duke of the Second Belgic Province, or military commander of the forces in Belgica Secunda (including a fleet) – modern northern France and Flanders. The Western Romans’ Frankish foederati would have been settled around this region, as well; indeed at one point, their king Childeric served as the dux.

    [16] Avranches.

    [17] Duke of the Armorican and Nervian lands, the western neighbor of the Dux Belgica Secunda. His authority would have extended across the Norman and Breton shores.

    [18] At the mouth of the Seine.

    [19] Paris.

    [20] Andegavia refers to Anjou, and its civitas (capital) is modern Angers. Back then it was known simply as Civitas Andecavorum.

    [21] York.

    [22] Duke of the Britains, or commander of Roman forces in northern Britain between the Pennines and Hadrian’s Wall. The particular Gerontius Constantine is talking to here historically fought under him until 409, at which point he betrayed him and soon killed his son Constans. He was eventually burned alive when his own troops also betrayed him.

    [23] These Sarmatian horsemen are probably not related to the ones stationed in Britain under Lucius Artorius Castus back in the 2nd century. The Roxolani originally lived in eastern Romania, the Iazyges in eastern Hungary and the Taifals in western Romania; by the 5th century, all had been crushed by the Huns. The Taifals may have been originally Germanic rather than Sarmatian, and those among them who joined the Romans were known to have embraced Chalcedonian Christianity rather than becoming Arians or staying pagans.

    [24] The Isle of Thanet.

    [25] One of Constantine’s lieutenants during his uprising. He was defeated and slain by Sarus in 407.

    [26] Colchester.

    [27] A condensation of all the Pelagian beliefs I could fit into a single prayer.

    [28] Italia Annonaria – the diocese formed of northern Italy’s provinces, as well as Istria and Rhaetia.

    [29] Italia Suburbicaria - the diocese formed of southern and central Italy’s provinces.

    [30] Alaric understands the Senate as the Roman equivalent to the Germanic Thing, or lawspeaker’s assembly.

    [31] Historically, Joannes was indeed a major bureaucrat in the Western Empire, holding the office of primicerius (head of an entire administrative department). He usurped the Western Roman throne after the death of Honorius in 423 and was supported by Flavius Aetius, but never managed to reach an agreement with the Eastern Roman court. Their legions killed him in 425 while Aetius was off getting help from the Huns and installed Valentinian III, Galla Placidia’s son by Constantius III, in his place.

    [32] Nebiogastes was historically another one of Constantine’s lieutenants, and was slain early in his rebellion. His name suggests he was of a Frankish background, much like men such as Merobaudes and Arbogast(es).
     
    Map of the Mediterranean world, 418
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    The next chapter isn't ready yet - should have it out before the weekend, maybe even tomorrow - but in the meantime, I do have a small update: a map of the situation on the eve of the four emperors duking it out.

    2BhfsKJ.png


    1. Western Roman Empire under Eucherius & Stilicho
    2. Priscus Attalus & the Senate
    3. Claudius Constantine & the Romano-British
    4. Eastern Roman Empire
    5. Franks
    6. Burgundians
    7. Visigoths
    8. Huns
    9. Silingi Vandals, Alans and Suebi
    10. Garamantians
    11. Caucasian kingdoms of Lazica, Iberia & Albania
    12. Sassanid Empire
    13. Ghassanids
    14. Lakhmids
     
    Last edited:
    418-419: War of the Four Emperors, Part I
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    The death of Honorius on January 31, 418 and his disputed succession as Western Roman Emperor by Stilicho’s son Eucherius sparked what came to be known as the ‘War of the Four Emperors’. Contesting Eucherius’ succession were Priscus Attalus, an elderly Greco-Roman Senator who was elected to the purple by his peers and bought the loyalty of southern and central Italy through his fabulous wealth & carefully cultivated political connections; Theodosius II, the Eastern Roman Emperor, who refused to acknowledge Eucherius as his co-equal peer in ruling the empire of his grandfather and father; and Constantine of Britain, formerly the Count of the Saxon Shore, who increased his strength by forming a marriage alliance with the Jutes and inviting them to live in Kent as foederati, and also purchasing the allegiance of the Armorican tribes. Against all these opponents Eucherius and his father, still able in his old age, had to rely on their dispersed but faithful lieutenants – men such as Alaric and Constantius – as well as their own loyal legions. To start with, he did have the advantage of Africa’s continued loyalty: Marcellinus, the governing prefect of that diocese, and Bishop Augustine of Hippo had not forgotten what the new emperor’s father had done for them and for the cause of religious orthodoxy in North Africa.

    After first publicly titling his six-year-old son Romanus Caesar, Eucherius prioritized Priscus Attalus as his first target for elimination, beginning his campaign against the usurper by commanding Marcellinus to shut down the grain shipments to Rome. Arguably he had no choice, as although Attalus was far from the strongest of his rivals, he was the closest to the Western capital of Ravenna. By late spring he and Stilicho were marching directly on Rome at the head of some 15,000 soldiers – all of the field legionaries they could assemble on short notice, coupled with some of the Gothic foederati still kept around after they crushed Olympius to police the peninsula. To oppose them, Attalus (who had no military experience to speak of and was well aware that he personally stood no chance against the father-and-son team on the battlefield) had bribed several commanders and their men to do his fighting for him, in addition to several thousand mercenaries: mostly retired legionary veterans who were willing to fight Stilicho for extremely generous salaries, courtesy of Attalus’ coffers. The patrician Castinus[1], who had served Honorius well enough but felt he owed no loyalty to Stilicho or Eucherius, was given supreme command of this roughly 9,000-strong Senatorial army.

    As the loyalist army marched down the Via Flaminia[2], Castinus moved to stop them in the gap between the Northern and Central Apennines, where he thought he could negate their numerical superiority. Pushing his soldiers hard from the moment they exited Rome’s gates, he managed to beat the larger but slower enemy army to the pass, and established his headquarters at the mountain village of Iguvium[3] while he waited for Stilicho and Eucherius to arrive. However Stilicho’s scouts detected Castinus’ presence, and the magister militum accordingly hatched a plan to defeat the patrician’s scheme. While Eucherius continued to march with the vast majority of the loyalist legions, deliberately stringing out his column and setting so many campfires every time he stopped that Castinus believed he was still moving with the entire loyalist army, Stilicho took a page out of Alaric’s book and moved with 3,000 of the loyalist troops – a corps almost entirely comprised of their skirmishers, lighter-armed auxiliaries and horsemen – further to the west, intent on slipping through the Apennines undetected while Castinus prepared to face Eucherius and to take the Senate’s general by surprise when he least expected it.

    When Eucherius finally appeared before Iguvium on April 14, Castinus immediately gave battle and drew up his troops in a great shield-wall to block his advance in the pass. At first things went according to plan: though Eucherius’ army was larger than his, he was unable to take advantage of his superior numbers thanks to the constricting and rough terrain of the Apennine pass, and it seemed as though Castinus might be able to throw him back. But within an hour of the fighting having started in earnest, Stilicho suddenly emerged behind and above the Attalid army, easily dispatching the handful of guards Castinus had left behind in Iguvium itself. The Senatorial forces panicked at the sight of their imminent encirclement and began to break at Stilicho’s first charge, despite the light armament of his men, while Eucherius’ legionaries pressed their advantage and decisively cracked through Castinus’ confused and crumbling front line. Castinus himself escaped the resulting bloodbath, but most of his men did not; of the 9,000 he started the battle with, a third were killed or surrendered and still many more deserted to scatter back into the countryside after their defeat.

    1QQVy6M.jpg

    The Battle of Iguvium seemed an even contest until Stilicho emerged from the mountains behind and above the Senate's army

    As Castinus and barely 2,000 battered survivors hastened back to Rome, the already hungry city descended into riotous panic as it did after the defeat of Olympius’ lieutenant Valens a decade prior, worsened further by word that Marcellinus had landed an army under the general Boniface[4] in southern Italy. No small number of the Senators who had backed Attalus now argued that the war was unwinnable and advised him to surrender immediately. Attalus had tried to sway Marcellinus to his side, but the African governor and civil-religious establishment remained firmly loyal to Stilicho’s regime and his emissaries to Carthage ended up being arrested in the presence of Bishop Augustine. Feeling increasingly out of options, Attalus decided to abandon the Italian peninsula proper and try to fight Stilicho from the nearby islands, counting on flipping the Western Roman navy’s allegiance and also inciting the barbarian foederati in Africa against Stilicho’s loyalists (disregarding the obvious hypocrisy of relying on barbarians to attack Roman citizens, and that they were still recovering from the beating Stilicho gave them at the start of the decade).

    Unfortunately for the Senator-turned-usurper, God or the gods had heard his call to smite him if his courage ever wavered in the face of Stilicho’s offensive back when he was first getting the Senate to elect him to the purple. Soon after sailing from Ostia for Corsica on April 28, he managed to avoid a pro-Stilicho naval patrol…by sailing directly into a brewing storm, which unsurprisingly resulted in his boat being sunk and all on board losing their lives. While Attalus was drowning, as the urban mob began to riot and the Senate (well, those Senators who had not also immediately fled Rome themselves) debated whether to fight to the bitter end or submit to Eucherius & Stilicho, Castinus had recognized the futility of further resistance and – while the current speaker on the Senate floor was, almost farcically, debating whether they even had enough members left to achieve quorum – made their decision for them by ordering his men to stand down, allowing the aforementioned mob to open the city gates gates to their true emperor. One imperial challenger down, two to go for Eucherius.

    Though Castinus was rewarded for allowing them to take Rome without bloodshed by ‘merely’ being exiled to Malta rather than losing his head, the new emperor and his father were thoroughly unamused by the Senate’s latest revolt against their authority, and sought to once and for all put the decayed institution in its place – firmly beneath their fist. Eucherian soldiers moved into position to bar anyone from leaving or entering the Curia Julia, and those Senators now trapped in the building were required to swear allegiance to Eucherius as their new Augustus: against his vengeful and sanguinary initial instincts, Eucherius judged that he could not afford to simply execute the rest of the Senators who betrayed him (which was to say, pretty much all of them) and settled on extorting some gains from them instead, starting with their fealty. Those who refused – some 38 in all out of 231 present – were run through or cut apart on the spot by his loyal legionaries and Gothic foederati, a grisly display on the Senate floor which persuaded the others in the chamber who hadn’t bent their knees already to do so immediately.

    But of course, Eucherius was not about to take these men at their word; at Stilicho’s advice, he demanded of the survivors a hostage from their families, to be treated hospitably at Ravenna until and unless their kin should break faith with him once again. Next, from the 100 wealthiest and most outspoken supporters of Attalus – including his own family, as well as members of the gentes Auchenia and Junia – he confiscated considerable chunks of their latifundiae[5]. To the coloni[6] bound to the seized estates he offered another choice: continue to toil for the state, or have their debts forgiven & be given a slice of the land they worked day after day – the deed to which would be retained within their family until and unless they should sell it off or commit some grievous crime against imperial authority – in exchange for enlisting with his army for no less than 15 years. A similar offer was made to the slaves on these latifundiae: march with Eucherius, and they would not only be freed but also be paid a sufficient salary (coming out of the ransoms ‘liberated’ from their former owners’ treasuries) to establish themselves after, and if, they lived to defeat all of their new emperor’s enemies.

    Still other portions of the confiscated estates were parceled out to the families of Eucherius’ soldiers, so as to keep them loyal for the battles to come. Finally, from another 100 Senators the emperor was able to extort a grand total of 2,500 pounds of gold, which would naturally be very helpful in paying his troops and officials. At his father’s suggestion, the emperor trusted Joannes the primicerius to manage these economic transfers to the people and the imperial treasury respectively. From the seized latifundiae of so few Eucherius & Stilicho could raise many new soldiers, and with the gold they didn’t spend immediately on donatives to the men they already had, they could hire even more mercenaries (including, ironically, some of those who had just fought for Priscus Attalus): 16,000 legionary recruits of the former category and 5,000 bucellarii belonging to the latter by Joannes’ final count, though the first would need quite some time and money to train & equip to a point where they’d be of any real use against the veteran British legions and the might of the Orient.

    5hvzde5.jpg

    Freedmen & former coloni training to become sagittarii, or archers, in Eucherius' new army

    While these decrees economically crippled the Roman Senate’s surviving leading men and gave Eucherius much valuable manpower, they were quickly taken advantage of by his remaining rivals, who in any case were already moving through his territories at a steady pace. First Theodosius’ court was joined by many of the Senators who had fled Eucherius’ wrath, and together they denounced Eucherius and Stilicho as dangerous anarchists who were answering their barbarian blood’s call to overturn the order of the Roman world and dispossess upstanding Roman citizens of their lawful property. Many provincial landowners in the way of the Eastern legions agreed, and went over to them. Monaxius and his army had ground through northeastern Macedonia throughout the spring, and reached Thessalonica on April 26 while Eucherius was about to strike at Rome itself; they wasted no time in investing the city, and found their strength only growing as word of Eucherius’ edicts spread. On May 10 Alaric succeeded in breaking out of the city with a night-time sally, but saved little more than himself, his own family and a few thousand of his warriors; the city’s remaining defenders surrendered the very next day. Monaxius allowed his own Visigoth subordinate, Sarus’ brother Sigeric, to vent his own vengeful frustrations on the Gothic officers loyal to Alaric and their kin.

    Elsewhere across the prefecture of Illyricum, rebel aristocrats’ militias either attached themselves to the legions of Monaxius or else began to independently attack Gothic settlers and Eucherian loyalist outposts on top of terrorizing any coloni whose allegiances they doubted, turning the Illyric countryside into a warzone. Alaric managed to make his way to Naissus, but all hope of holding the Diocese of Macedonia was lost with the fall of Thessalonica; within another month, every major city down to Athens had declared for Theodosius II, sometimes even before detachments of the Eastern army reached them to demand their allegiance. To oppose Monaxius’ advance the Visigoth king rebuilt his army around Naissus with the Gothic settlers expelled from the south, smashing pro-Theodosius militias in the remaining half of Illyricum under his control with extreme brutality and allowing those same settlers’ families to squat on their leaders’ estates (usually after publicly torturing said ringleaders to death).

    While Eucherius suppressed the Senate in Italy and Monaxius drove Alaric from southern Illyricum, Constantine took inspiration from the former’s edicts to threaten the same to any Gallic landowners in his way, while promising to not only respect their property but even give them their neighbors’ and rivals’ lands if they joined him instead. This had similar effect on the western provinces, driving many of the aristocrats there to fully commit either to his side or that of Eucherius to challenge their local rivals and plunging rural Gaul into anarchy. As the British army marched onward, their Jutish auxiliaries in particular aggressively pillaged the countryside, compounding the locals’ suffering. Count Arigius tried to set an ambush for them at the head of a force of Frankish foederati, but was himself lured into and soundly defeated in a surprise attack engineered by Hengist and Constans near Rotomagus[7] and fell back eastward.

    Despite Arigius’ defeat Constantius, the loyal magister equitum per Gallias, advanced against Constantine’s main army, though he was significantly outnumbered (due to a lack of support from Italy), and met them along the banks of the Ebura[8] west of Lutetia on May 20. The formidable but unruly Sarmatian horsemen of Constantine’s van, led by his eldest son Constans, had rejoined him, and so they went on to overcome Constantius’ much smaller cavalry corps and even sack his camp; but in the meantime, the Eucherian infantry – formed up into an offensive wedge – broke through the more numerous ranks of their British counterparts as they crossed the ford. Constantine himself feared for his life and ordered a retreat at this point; now all Constans could do was beat his Sarmatians back into formation and minimize his side’s casualties by harrying Constantius, disrupting the latter’s pursuit of his father’s army. The Jutes to the northeast were still too far away to participate in the battle, and only managed to rejoin Constantine after his defeat. For the time being, it seemed Lutetia was safe, and the only comfort Constantine and Constans had was that the latter’s son Ambrosius was safely born in Londinium a few days later.

    Alas, just a week had gone by when Constantius received word from the frontier that the Burgundian tribe, joined by some of the Alamanni, had not failed to notice the chaos engulfing the Western Roman Empire, and promptly stormed across the Rhine. Once more Arigius found he could not hope to defeat the barbarian horde in the field, especially not after his defeat at Rotomagus, so he retreated behind the walls of Augusta Treverorum and appealed for help from Constantius while the Burgundians laid waste to the eastern Gallic countryside. Constantius obliged and moved to counter this newest invasion; but while he did so, Constantine reordered his army in Andegavia and marched once more on Lutetia. He took the city by bribing some of its garrison’s officers to leave the gate unlocked on the night of June 8, through which Constans and Julian promptly led several thousand of his most honored veterans and quickly overran the remaining loyal defenders. With this victory, he secured much of northwestern Gaul and opened the way into the region’s central provinces.

    Meanwhile Constantius marched his host to attack the Burgundians as they besieged Augusta Treverorum, having failed to prevent the fall and brutal sack of Borbetomagus[9] a week prior. On July 1 they fell upon the Burgundian horde at the same time that Arigius led the men inside to sally forth, driving King Gundahar[10] from the field amidst great bloodshed. But the victory was pyrrhic, for the Western Romans incurred losses they could not afford while Gundahar survived to fall back to Borbetomagus and still had more than enough warriors to pose a huge threat to Gaul. While Constantius was busy evacuating the remaining Rhenish frontier towns & garrisons southward, Constantine sent an envoy to treat with Gundahar and formed an alliance with the barbarian king, promising to settle the Burgundian people in all Gaul between the Sequana and Rhodanus[11] as foederati after he secured his hold on the purple.

    pu3zvhg.png

    With the Gallic legions in disarray or outright defecting to Constantine, Gallo-Romans living in the Burgundians' way regularly had to bribe the barbarians to not kill them and their families

    Between the two threats, Eucherius – fresh from celebrating the birth of his second son, who he named Theodosius in honor of the Emperor to whom his father owed so much – decided to divide his forces, prioritizing the Eastern legions first while betting on his new legions to be capable of taking on Constantine in due time. While he remained behind to ensure Italy remained under control and to oversee the training and arming of his many new recruits, he dispatched his father with several of the grizzled Dalmatian legions and 3,500 of the new bucellarii to back up Alaric. By this time Aetius’ mission to the Hunnish court had also proved to be a success, and the general was crossing back over the Danube with 7,000 Hun riders in tow, led jointly by himself and the khagans’ older nephew Bleda. Though the Eastern Romans had attacked Naissus and driven Alaric back from that city toward Sirmium, as 418 drew to a close and 419 began he was finally joined by Stilicho’s and Aetius’ reinforcements: now the Western Romans had the strength to fairly fight their Eastern brethren in Illyricum, and sow the prefecture’s fields with their blood.

    The three generals moved to engage Monaxius’ army, which they now matched in number at approximately 25,000 men, on a plain near Ad Octavium[12] on March 9, 419. Their infantry lines were evenly matched and neither the Eastern nor Western Romans could get the upper hand over the other as they stabbed, slashed and wrestled on the battlefield; however, the Hun horsemen made all the difference on the two armies’ flanks, where they helped put the Eastern Roman cavalry to flight. Faced with the threat of encirclement, Monaxius ordered a retreat, and Sigeric personally led their reserves into a rearguard action that preserved the remaining Oriental forces from spiraling into a disastrous rout. Thus, to their relatively good fortune, the Eastern legions only sustained about 3,000 casualties despite their defeat while inflicting a third of that number on the Western army. This did not dissuade Stilicho from aggressively pursuing him over the next few days and weeks, however, and after a flanking force under Aetius broke through Sigeric’s defense at Ulpiana[13] and left Naissus vulnerable to attack from the north and west, Monaxius gave up on defending his western Dacian conquests and withdrew from that part of the diocese altogether. Nonetheless, to preserve control in the regained provinces, Eucherius and Stilicho had to issue proclamations that nobody living there had to fear confiscations of their land and wealth – that policy was apparently to remain confined to the Senators in Italy.

    The two armies met again properly two months later, this time by the town of Nicopolis ad Nestum[14] – the City of Victory by the Nestos River, which Trajan had founded three centuries prior to celebrate his victory over the Dacians. This time Monaxius enjoyed a clear terrain advantage, and was content to stand fast and let Stilicho try his luck against well-prepared defensive formations on the other side of a river, swelled by the autumn rains and flanked by forests & mountains. Too bad for him, Stilicho wasn’t enough of a fool to simply march his troops into such an obviously strong position.

    Remembering well how the Huns had nearly defeated him and actually defeated Alaric’s brother with feigned retreats, the Western magister militum instead had Bleda and Aetius’ light cavalry do just that to draw part of the Eastern Roman forces out of formation, then crushed the 4,000 who fell for the bait on his side of the river. This done, he ordered a general offensive across the Nestos before Monaxius could fill the new gap in his lines – in particular, having Alaric lead their combined heavy cavalry directly through said gap and at Monaxius’ own position, forcing the Eastern commanders to flee for their life. The result was a more serious defeat for the Eastern Romans than the Battle of Ad Octavium: they were thrown off the battlefield in disarray and lost some 5,000 men, while the Western Romans’ casualties amounted to less than half that number.

    qJMqC5G.jpg

    Stilicho's & Alaric's infantry ambushing the Eastern Romans who fell for his feigned retreat at the Nestos

    The defeat at Nicopolis cost Monaxius his remaining outposts in the Dacian diocese, as the garrisons he had left in Serdica and other eastern Dacian cities quickly surrendered to Stilicho soon after. Still, the Eastern Romans maintained complete control over the Diocese of Macedonia and Monaxius – rightfully fearing for his life if he failed to hold even that – was determined not to let his first gains in this war fall away. Two developments gave him breathing room in that regard: first Sigeric threw Stilicho’s attempt to march directly on Thessalonica back in the mountain pass near Serrae[15] in July, where Stilicho was unable to break past his defensive lines & forts and Monaxius succeeded in frustrating the Western Romans’ various attempts to circumvent those defenses. And secondly, as the world entered autumn & winter, new circumstances arose further to the West which would force the Western Romans to completely halt their offensive in the East for the rest of the year…

    Since the previous summer, Constantius had had the lonely and difficult task of defending eastern and southeastern Gaul from the ascendant Constantine of Britain and his new Burgundian allies, who by this time had conquered and ravaged as far as Avaricum[16] and Burdigala[17]. His own considerable martial skill and good fortune had allowed him to preserve a defensive perimeter running from Lugdunum[18] by the Alps to Narbonensis on the Hispanic border despite the only help he got over the winter being a small reinforcing army of 5,000 under Boniface (Eucherius was still drilling his new army), but everyone’s luck runs out eventually.

    Constantius seemed like he might still have some left when Eucherius informed him that he was finally ready to march in April, but in truth it ran dry in the Battle of Augustonemetum[19] almost immediately after he got the good news. There he tried to defeat the advancing army of Constantine and Constans before their Jutish allies arrived to aid them, but failed: Hengist’s Jutes forded the Elaver[20] faster than he had anticipated and attacked his flank while he was still pinned down by the main Romano-British host. The Western Romans suffered grievous losses, Constantius himself included, and the loyalist provinces of Gaul rapidly fell to Constantine from here on out. Gundahar of the Burgundians further sent his brother Giselher[21] with several thousand men to seize the Alps, both to secure their flank and to present an additional possible avenue for attack into Italy itself.

    Further worsening matters, while Eucherius was still marching north Boniface and Arigius were defeated while trying to defend Arausio[22] with the remnants of Constantius’ army. The pair fell back to Arelate, where Constantine laid siege to their walls. Hispania, encouraged by the defeats of the Western Roman army in Gaul, also chose this time to rebel: the general Felix[23] had a distant cousin of Honorius, Theodosiolus[24], acclaimed emperor by his legions in Cauca[25], where Theodosius the Great was born, thereby taking the fallen Priscus Attalus' place among the four warring Augusti. While Eucherius was moving to relieve Arelate, Theodosiolus and Felix were rapidly driving out the few loyal garrisons and administrators he had in that stronghold of the Theodosian dynasty.

    Eucherius attacked Constantine’s army outside Arelate on June 1. Though his new Italian army was quite large, it was almost matched in number by the combined host of Romano-Britons, Jutes and Burgundians camped before the city, and Constantine’s troops were more experienced to boot. To prevail, Eucherius relied on some tricks of his own: he sent fake defectors from his officer corps to fool Constantine into thinking that he was moving more slowly than he actually was, while other messengers reached the city by ship and informed Boniface and Arigius of exactly when to sally forth. As of June 1, Constantine’s army was worn out from a failed attempt to storm Arelate the night before (when he thought he would have at least five more days to rest and prepare for Eucherius’ arrival), and the badly bloodied but determined defenders timed their sally with Eucherius’ offensive. The rebels and their barbaric friends fought well despite being tired and surprised, but were ultimately driven back toward Arausio with 6,000 casualties, including the last remnants of the Burgundians’ Alamanni contingent.

    YZ2Z7oJ.jpg

    Eucherius' recently-emancipated & trained infantry presses against Constantine's tired Romano-Britons, overwhelming the latter with their sheer numbers in a contest of brute force

    As Eucherius had lost fewer men from his substantially larger army, he felt he could afford to soak up his losses much more easily than Constantine could. And though Stilicho counseled focusing on eliminating Constantine once and for all, the emperor believed that particular usurper had been fatally weakened at Arelate; his strategy now was to go on the offensive against Theodosiolus and recover at least the coasts of Hispania Tarraconensis & Cartaginensis, essentially locking the latter out of the Mediterranean, by the end of the year. To lead the loyalist armies in Gaul and mop up Constantine’s surviving troops in his imminent absence, he formally named Arigius to succeed Constantius in the office of magister equitum per Gallias.

    As the march of time entered July and August, it seemed like Eucherius could meet his goals. He advanced to catch up to Constantine at Arausio 13 days after relieving the siege of Arelate and defeated him again, pushing the usurper’s legions further north. This done, he turned to march along the Septimanian coast – in the process demanding, and receiving, the surrender of the towns and garrisons which had gone over to Constantine after his victory at Augustonementum in the spring – on his way to Hispania. Theodosiolus and Felix, for their part, had also moved into Septimania from the south and wrested Narbo from its pro-Constantine garrison. Their armies first met at Baeterrae[26], where Eucherius trounced them and harried their retreat so closely that they were unable to rest in Narbo, which surrendered to him in short order.

    When the duo returned to Hispania proper, they found a rude surprise waiting for them: Boniface and a 10,000-strong army, including all of his remaining African troops, had sailed from Arelate to land in Emporiae[27], where they had compelled the surrender of the city and now blocked Theodosiolus and Felix’s retreat. The pair in turn surprised Eucherius and Boniface when, instead of fighting a losing battle between the two loyalist armies, they retreated into the Pyrenees and paid the local Vasconic tribes for safe passage to Sedes Urgelli[28]. Still, with their retreat the usurper and his backer had left the Spanish coast vulnerable to Eucherius. By the start of autumn, Tarraco[29] had fallen and it seemed like Eucherius was well on his way to meeting his objectives.

    But disaster struck again when Constantine took advantage of the imperial forces’ focus on Hispania to attack into southeastern Gaul once more. To replenish his forces he reached out to the Ripuarian Franks, who by now had moved through the hollowed-out Rhenish frontier, and promised them settlement rights in the land currently held by their Salian cousins under Rome’s wing if they would fight for him as foederati. In September Arigius was defeated and killed while trying to besiege Lugdunum, where a relief force led by Constantine’s sons (including many of said Ripuarian Franks) had crossed the Rhodanus and crept up on him while he was still building siegeworks, and this effectively left the rest of Gaul vulnerable to the rebel forces once more. The Romano-British usurper wasted no time in marching back to Arelate and actually captured it this time with an extraordinarily daring escalade, in which Constans was one of the first men on the walls and took a serious enough chest wound to leave him bedridden for weeks if not months. No matter – Constantine saw no reason to fuss after being informed that his eldest son’s condition was stable, and more importantly, the road to Italy itself now lay open before him.

    Since Arelate fell while Eucherius and Boniface were driving down the coast of Hispania toward the eastern Baetic shore, they were in no position to respond when Constantine continued on to besiege Mediolanum, leaving 2,000 men in Arelate to hold the city and protect his heir while the latter recovered. That city was the former capital of the Western Roman Empire and housed one of the only fabricae[29] outside the border provinces, so in addition to being Italy’s first line of defense against attacks from the west and north, it was simply not something the emperor could afford to lose. Its garrison was numerous, as befitting such an important city; but those numbers were disadvantageous in the context of a siege, where they actually put a greater strain on the city’s food supplies, and in the absence of a more prominent commander their leadership fell to the primicerius Joannes – who, while respected as an excellent bureaucrat and courteous elder gentleman, was far from an experienced soldier himself.

    In response to the unraveling situation, Stilicho decided he had no choice but to suspend his planned offensive against the Eastern Romans, which he’d been reorganizing his troops for after his earlier defeat at Serrae prevented him from immediately taking back Thessalonica in the summer. Gathering up much of the Dalmatian legions with him and the Hunnish contingent under Bleda & Aetius, he rode to relieve the siege of Mediolanum as quickly as he could. As the snows fell and 419 approached its final days, he could only hope Joannes would be able to hold out long enough to prevent Constantine from overrunning northern Italy altogether, and that Alaric could hold off the Eastern armies while he was gone.

    But, perhaps the magister militum had a little more luck left in him than his lieutenant Constantius had. Around the same time that he was marching to Joannes’ aid, Shah Yazdgerd of Persia died, supposedly from being kicked by a horse: more likely however, he was assassinated by certain Parthian nobles whose lands he was visiting, and who were known to strongly disapprove of his pro-Roman foreign policy and friendliness toward religious minorities in the Sassanid Empire (indeed, he was visiting them to try to reconcile these differences). His eldest son Shapur proclaimed himself Shah Shapur IV and hurried toward Ctesiphon, but was almost immediately killed by the Persian aristocracy and clergy who acclaimed Yazdgerd’s brother Khosrau as Shah instead. This was not received well by Yazdgerd’s younger son Bahram, a longtime courtier among the Lakhmid Arabs, who marched on the capital with a large Arab army and intimidated his uncle into abdicating within weeks. Nevertheless, the newly-enthroned Bahram V aware of the causes behind his father’s unpopularity with the Persian upper class and promised a reversal of the old man’s policies to appease them as 419 ended, starting with his overly pro-Roman ways[31]…

    hcjzmoj.jpg

    Sassanid officers near the border with the Eastern Roman Empire receiving new orders from the capital as 419 came to a close

    ====================================================================================

    [1] Castinus was an aristocratic officer in Honorius’ service. Despite being described as ‘haughty and inept in the exercise of command’, he was evidently important enough to be given the courtly dignity of patricius (an actual title, not a reference to his social class). Historically, after Honorius died he tried to elevate the senior bureaucrat Joannes to the Western imperial throne together with Flavius Aetius.

    [2] The ancient road connecting Rome to the Adriatic port of Rimini, cutting through the Apennines.

    [3] Gubbio.

    [4] Historically the governor of Africa from 422 to 432, who challenged first the magister militum Felix and then Flavius Aetius for control of the Roman court early in the long and inadequate reign of Valentinian III.

    [5] Extensive estates worked by slaves and coloni proto-serfs.

    [6] The aforementioned proto-serfs, these coloni are peasants reduced to sharecropping on the latifundiae of the Roman aristocracy thanks to the West’s increasingly ruinous economy during & long after the reign of Diocletian.

    [7] Rouen.

    [8] The River Eure.

    [9] Worms.

    [10] Also known as Gunther, he was known to have led his people across the Rhine shortly after the Alans, Vandals and Suebi did in 406. He was a major figure in the Nibelungenlied, being the brother of Siegfried’s wife Kriemhild and later arranging the aforementioned hero’s assassination.

    [11] The Seine and Rhone Rivers.

    [12] Near Jagodina.

    [13] Lipljan.

    [14] Garmen, Bulgaria by the Nestos/Mesta River.

    [15] Serres.

    [16] Bourges.

    [17] Bordeaux.

    [18] Lyon.

    [19] Clermont-Ferrand.

    [20] The Allier River in Auvergne.

    [21] Giselher was a brother of Gundahar’s. Little is known about him other than that he was King of the Burgundians either before or with him, and died sometime between 411 and 436. He’s also a minor character in the Nibelungenlied, where he marries the daughter of Rudiger of Bechelaren.

    [22] Orange, France.

    [23] A rival to both Boniface and Aetius who was the Western Roman magister militum 425-429 and Consul in 428. He and his wife Padusia were both assassinated in 430 by Aetius.

    [24] Theodosiolus was indeed a cousin of Honorius (and Arcadius), who with several other Theodosian relatives tried to hold Hispania against Constantine in 409. In this they failed, as Constans and Gerontius seem to have defeated them quite quickly; Theodosiolus was one of the two imperial cousins to escape with his life.

    [25] Coca, Spain.

    [26] Beziers.

    [27] Empuries.

    [28] La Seu d’Urgell.

    [29] Tarragona.

    [30] The Late Roman army had its equipment produced at dedicated, state-owned-and-operated arms factories called fabricae. Most of these were located in the border provinces and dioceses.

    [31] Pretty much all of this happened just a few months later historically, in early 420 rather than near the end of 419.
     
    420: War of the Four Emperors, Part II
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    420 opened with major battles in the West and East both before the snow had even cleared from Europe’s soil. In the west, Joannes had risen to the challenge posed by the usurper Constantine and successfully held Mediolanum through months of siege, putting his administrative talent to rationing their food supplies in such a way that he kept both the garrison and the people they protected fed – perhaps not well, especially after the New Year, but not starving either. As word of Stilicho’s approach from the east trickled in, Constantine made several attempts to take the city by storm or by having his sappers try to tunnel underneath its walls, but all these were frustrated by the strong defenses and defenders of the former imperial capital. A final attempt to take the city on February 4, masterminded by his general Gerontius, quite literally fell apart when the onagers the latter constructed came undone in the freezing rain.

    His attempts to storm Mediolanum frustrated, Constantine resolved to spare his men any more futile assaults on the city walls and prepare to fight Stilicho in the field instead. The Western magister militum arrived on February 20, a cold and crisp but bright winter day, while Constantine’s scouts had accurately reported the oncoming imperial advance this time and thus allowed him to draw his troops up into formation to face Stilicho’s own. Leaving the Jutes to block Joannes from sallying and attacking his rear, Constantine organized his army into three fairly conventional wings: himself and Gerontius commanded the bulk of the Romano-British, Gallo-Roman and Ripuarian infantry & archers in the center, his son Julian led their massed cavalry (including many of the absent Constans’ Sarmatians) on the right, and Gundahar’s Burgundians were assigned to the left. Noting the Romano-British disposition, Stilicho judged the Burgundians to be the weakest link in Constantine’s chain and arranged his army in an oblique formation, piling his best troops and the entirety of his Hun contingent into his right wing while arranging for the undermanned Western Roman center and left to trail behind them on the advance.

    When battle was joined near noon, the powerful imperial right smashed through the Burgundians on the rebel left in no time at all, sending Gundahar and his surviving warriors fleeing northward. This done, Stilicho ordered Bleda and Aetius to prioritize enveloping Constantine’s infantry over pursuing the Burgundians, but the usurper and his men fought back vigorously and proved far more difficult to subdue. Julian and the Romano-British cavalry even routed Stilicho’s own weak left wing and circled around to threaten his position at the rear of the Western Roman army, leaving the battle hanging in the balance. Only the sudden and unannounced withdrawal of the Jutes, followed by Joannes leading the Mediolanum garrison to attack Constantine’s rear, decided the day in Stilicho’s favor. As yet more freezing rain drenched the battlefield, some of the Constantinian army was able to break out to the north under the leadership of Gerontius and Julian, but not Constantine himself; the Romano-British usurper drew Stilicho’s attention to himself and off his son until he was finally surrounded and struck down among his fallen bodyguards, becoming one of the last among nearly 8,000 casualties of his army at the end of the day.

    2RR7a8P.jpg

    Betrayed by the Jutes and surrounded on all sides, Constantine and his bodyguards mount a futile last stand against Stilicho as his army and cause disintegrates around him

    The 4,000 survivors under Gerontius and Julian managed to reach Augusta Praetoria[1] at the entrance of the Alps, where they rejoined the 5,000 Burgundian survivors of the Battle of Mediolanum under Gundahar and received word from Giselher that the latter was still unable to move from his positions higher up in the mountains until the seasons changed. Julian determined that, with his father having fallen, his older brother Constans was now the true Augustus; but Gerontius and Gundahar had different ideas. Gerontius denounced Constantine as a failure and his bloodline as being unworthy of his allegiance, after which his soldiers raised him up on their shields as the latest rebel claimant to the Western Roman crown and the Burgundians pledged themselves to his cause, with the promise that he would allow them to settle not just in eastern Gaul but also the Alpine valleys and northern Italy. Julian would have struck him dead for his treachery, but correctly judged that he and the remaining Sarmatian cavalry loyal to his family were badly outnumbered and fled both Gerontius & Stilicho to rejoin his brother.

    While Stilicho was spiking Constantine’s head above the gates of Mediolanum, Pope Boniface and the Roman clergy were thanking God for smiting the heretic and Gerontius was busy setting up his court in Aventicum[2], Julian made it back to Arelate to inform Constans of all the bad news, including that he was now the rightful Augustus in the Romano-British reckoning. He found the latter up and about, organizing the remaining Romano-British soldiers for a long retreat back north; though willing to take up the purple mantle Constantine left behind, Constans had no intention of trying to defend his claim on the continent, which he considered a lost cause between their father’s defeats and the desertion of the Burgundians and Jutes. Instead he was determined to race back home to Britain, having learned that the Jutes were returning to their boats and most certainly had no good intentions for his people. Adding the few hundred Sarmatian survivors under his brother to the 2,000 men their father had left him, Constans exited Arelate within a day of Julian’s arrival and hurried northward as fast as he could, collecting the smaller garrisons Constantine had left in the cities and towns they’d taken on the way to the Mediterranean as well as Gallo-Roman followers fearful of Eucherius’ reprisal as they went.

    It came as a pleasant surprise to Stilicho and his son that they were able to recover the now-defenseless cities of Gaul, starting with the aforementioned Arelate, just by sending heralds rather than armies. As Eucherius – chastened by the knowledge of his strategic error, which had nearly undone his hold on throne and which he could’ve avoided if he had listened to Stilicho last summer – now heeded his father’s advice and focused on making absolutely sure Gaul was cleared of Constantinian supporters (though in truth, with Constans’ withdrawal he mostly just had to worry about the masterless and rampaging Ripuarian Franks), leaving Boniface to hold eastern Hispania against Theodosiolus, Stilicho turned to deal with Gerontius and the Burgundians occupying the Alps. On March 19 he defeated the garrison Gerontius had left in Augusta Praetoria, but that was only the first step to dealing with the latest challenger for his son’s throne: the rebels were digging in as much as they could across the Alps, and campaigning against them in the mountain range with all its forests and lakes promised to be a difficult venture, even with winter coming to an end.

    Stilicho had barely begun planning his Alpine campaign when more bad news arrived from the east. His withdrawal had not gone unnoticed by Monaxius, who had found that it really wasn’t just some strategic feint after hearing of the Battle of Mediolanum and had been waiting for spring to go on the attack once more. The Eastern Romans had raised reinforcements in Anatolia over the winter, commanded by an Alan named Ardabur[3], and they crossed the Hellespont in early March to join him. Together the Eastern Romans now outnumbered Alaric by a comfortable margin, and inflicted a severe defeat upon the Romano-Gothic army Stilicho had left him at the Battle of Pella on March 3. This done, they then steadily pushed what forces he had left at his disposal out of the lands he and Stilicho had just recovered the previous year.

    pKsd7TM.jpg

    Monaxius' and Ardabur's cataphracts crushing Alaric and his outnumbered men at the Battle of Pella

    By spring’s end Alaric was under extreme pressure from the East, and Stilicho had yet to finish sealing Gerontius in the Alps. So he was greatly surprised, and tempted, when Monaxius offered to have him restored the office of magister militum under the Eastern Empire’s wing and to let his people settle in western Illyricum – Dalmatia and Pannonia – if he betrayed Stilicho and helped flip the entire prefecture into the East’s hands. The Visigoth king would probably have agreed, had Sigeric not waylaid and almost killed him in a cavalry raid after he left the site of his clandestine negotiations with Monaxius[4]. Thinking Monaxius had double-crossed him, Alaric promptly warned Stilicho of the danger western Illyricum was now in and asked him to come help fend off the Eastern legions immediately. The Oriental Praetorian Prefect was furious at this turn of events, obviously, but as he had cut Theodosius out of the loop (fearing that the emperor still bore a grudge against Alaric for helping Stilicho for over a decade and settling eastern Illyricum in the first place) and the latter congratulated him and Sigeric for their battlefield successes, he was unable to punish his wayward Gothic foederatus.

    Leaving Aetius and Bleda to finish containing Gerontius and the Burgundians, Stilicho hurried east once again to aid Alaric. The Western Roman fleet scored a victory over its Eastern Roman counterpart off Brundisium[5] on April 30, clearing the way for him to cross over to Salona by sea and emerge not in front of Monaxius (as the latter expected he’d have to through northeastern Italy), but behind him. Leaving Sigeric to besiege his hated enemy in Sirmium, Monaxius and Ardabur moved to engage Stilicho as the latter advanced through the Dinaric Alps. After several smaller skirmishes in which Ardabur’s men gave a good account of themselves, the two giants of the Roman world engaged in pitched battle once more on the banks of the Bathinus River[6], near the large town of Aquae Sulphurae[7], on June 8.

    Initially, the Battle of the Bathinus seemed to favor the East. Stilicho was forced to attack across the river into their strong positions, and Monaxius threw the Western Romans back as he seemingly had at the Nestos River the year before – for real, this time. But although Ardabur was eager to pursue, the Eastern commander ironically feared that Stilicho’s retreat was a trap just like it had been at Nicopolis and forbade such an aggressive move, giving Stilicho time to rally his troops and plan another attack. Both armies retired as night fell: yet Stilicho, noting Monaxius’ overabundance of caution, repeated the trick he used against Castinus at the beginning of this War of Four Emperors and had many more campfires lit than he actually needed while allowing his troops to rest well, giving Monaxius the impression that he was keeping his men awake for a major night attack.

    When dawn came, the Western Romans were well-rested while their Eastern adversaries were operating on far too little sleep, having been ordered by Monaxius to stay on full alert until sunrise. Stilicho stormed the river crossings again, and this time drove the exhausted Eastern Romans back to their camp. Only the desperate efforts of Ardabur to rally the men and fight a rearguard action prevented a total rout, while Monaxius himself had fled after realizing the extent of his error. In this final clash, his son Aspar[8] got close enough to briefly engage Stilicho himself in combat and even strike a blow on the older man’s head with his mace – giving him a concussion through his helmet and troubling him with periodic headaches & dizziness long after the Battle of the Bathinus – before being chased away by the magister militum’s bodyguards.

    D1Bk9WZ.jpg

    Like his Iranian cousins and a growing number of Roman cataphracts & clibanarii, Aspar favored an armor-crushing mace for instances of close combat, such as his short and nearly victorious duel with Stilicho

    As Monaxius’ army (now minus approximately 7,000 men) retreated eastward, they were struck with a succession of bad news that gave the Praetorian Prefect almost as bad a headache as the one Stilicho was experiencing. First he learned that Sigeric had risen to one of Alaric’s provocations and led a direct assault on Sirmium’s defenses; so filled with rage was he that the Goth did not withdraw when Alaric’s men threw his own back from the walls, instead racing ahead of his dwindling bodyguards in a mad dash to try to kill the Visigoth king, only to be intercepted and cut down by the latter’s son Theodoric instead. And while the leaderless remains of his army were relaying this information to him, Monaxius was further informed that the Sassanids had struck in the east.

    Bahram V had begun his reign by persecuting the Christians of Persia, though (being half-Jewish himself and the maternal grandson of the Babylonian Exilarch Huna bar Nathan[9]) he continued to favor the Jewish community. This of course displeased the Eastern Roman imperial court, particularly the Emperor Theodosius’ devout sister Pulcheria, at whose behest he angrily rebuked the Shahanshah immediately following the martyrdom of James Intercisus[10]. Noticing that the Eastern Romans were busy fighting the Western ones, Bahram had seized the opportunity to answer Theodosius’ insults with an all-out invasion, which he also felt would firmly get his nobles and the Zoroastrian clergy on his side. The youngest and most warlike son of his vizier Mihr-Narseh[11], the arteshtaran-salar Kardar[12], led a combined Persian and Lakhmid army into Roman Mesopotamia, swatting aside the depleted frontier garrisons & the modest response of the few available comital legions at Carrhae and conquering the major border cities of Amida[13] & Edessa.

    Encouraged by the lack of effective resistance, Kardar left his subordinate Narses[14] to hold down the conquered frontier provinces and marched onward into Roman Syria with their Lakhmid ally Al-Mundhir[15], intent on conquering Antioch if he could. Alarmed by these developments, Theodosius at first raised a new army and released Procopius from prison to lead them; but as it soon became apparent that this new army wouldn’t be ready before the Persians got within striking distance of Antioch, he was forced to recall Ardabur and his contingent from the Illyrian front so he could send them eastward, despite Monaxius’ protests. The Oriental Prefect now found himself in a situation similar to Alaric’s last year and earlier in this one – forced to try to hold a large swath of land in the Balkans against a numerically superior and capably led enemy while the empire he served faced problems on multiple fronts – and there was no doubt that Stilicho, injured though he might be, was going to exploit that for all it was worth.

    BO4B9iy.jpg

    As he pushed into Eastern Roman territory, the Persian marshal Kardar preferred to direct his forces from the safety and comfort of a mighty elephant's back

    Even better for Stilicho, as spring turned to summer and the Alpine snows melted away, Aetius and Bleda got their chance to deal with Gerontius. At first Gerontius took to the offensive, seeing that the opposing forces on the other end of the Alpine passes were quite weak, and was sufficiently heartened after smashing the defenders of Augusta Praetoria on June 12 that he decided to march on Mediolanum itself. But in truth, all that was happening was that Aetius & Bleda had decided to apply the Hunnish tactic of the feigned retreat on the strategic level, and bait him and his Burgundians out of their mountain fortresses onto the Italian plain below where they’d have a much easier time dealing with him. When they met outside Modicia[16], Gerontius was shocked to find the Romano-Hun army was much larger than he had expected, having consolidated at Aetius’ order and received further reinforcements raised by Joannes over the winter and spring. He was tempted to withdraw but was spurred to fight on by Gundahar & Giselher, who warned him that the Burgundians were unlikely to support a ‘coward’ for long.

    The Battle of Modicia duly followed. The rebel horsemen were quickly overpowered by the Huns and Eucherian cavalry, but their infantry formed a strong semicircular shield-wall which held off the loyalist footmen quite capably. To break up this defensive formation, Aetius relied on the time-tested feigned retreat of his allies: one such fake withdrawal by Bleda’s Huns drew several thousand Burgundians out into the open where they were promptly wiped out, Giselher among them. These same Huns then led the cavalry stampede into the gap in Gerontius’ and Gundahar’s lines, routing them. The usurper was himself killed, riddled with so many arrows by Hunnic horse-archers that he resembled a pincushion by the time Bleda found him, and the Burgundians driven back into the Alps with great loss.

    Now by this time Eucherius was busy expelling the Ripuarian Franks back whence they came, and Boniface was struggling to hold the line against a resurgent Theodosiolus and Felix in Hispania. So the emperor decided to take after his father’s dealings with Alaric and the previous Rhenish horde, and open negotiations with the bloodied and defeated Burgundians; in exchange for enlisting as foederati in his service, he would allow them to settle in the Alpine province of Maxima Sequanorum (where they were now trapped) instead of ordering Aetius and Bleda to finish them off. In turn, they’d provide him with extra manpower (though not as much as they could have before the battles of the past two years) and he wouldn’t have to waste more time and manpower than he had to spare on rooting them out of the mountains. Being down a brother and many thousands of warriors, Gundahar had little choice but to accept Eucherius' terms, though the mountain valleys he now had were poorer and more difficult to live in than the Gallic and Italian farmlands Constantine and Gerontius had promised.

    1jBfnTU.jpg

    Aetius and Bleda made a formidable team, as Gerontius and Gundahar found out the hard way at Modicia

    As summer turned to autumn, Eucherius finished reclaiming Gaul and marched on to do the same with Spain (leaving the defense of the diocese in the hands of the new magister equitum per Gallias, Aetius, as the late Arigius’ own son Arbogast was still underage) with Gundahar’s remaining warriors in tow while Stilicho was steadily pushing the Eastern Romans back across the Balkans. An attempt by the Eastern court to open another front in Africa was foiled by Marcellinus’ defense and Ardabur (having linked up with Constantinople’s own Ghassanid allies) had blunted the Sassanid advance in the sanguinary Battle of Beroea[17], leaving nearly 10,000 men dead on both sides, but was unable to recover the eastern Syrian and Mesopotamian provinces already lost to Kardar. The Lakhmid auxiliaries fighting for Persia continued to aggressively raid Roman Syria, Armenia and Anatolia for the rest of the year, and persisted even after the destruction of a major raiding party near Hellenopolis by a cavalry response force under Aspar in late October, much to Ardabur’s intense irritation. In the face of these increasingly desperate straits Monaxius wrote to Theodosius, urging the emperor to grant permission to open negotiations with Stilicho.

    Alas, Theodosius II refused to negotiate any settlement with Ravenna that didn’t involve him being able to keep the Eastern Empire’s gains in Illyricum, which neither the Western Augustus nor his father were willing to give up after the immense costs they had paid to claw it back – especially not now, when they seemed to have the strategic situation under control again. In November Eucherius reunited with Boniface and finally brought the Hispanic rebels to a decisive engagement on the upper reaches of the Baetis River[18], where they utterly defeated Theodosiolus and Felix; the emperor’s new Burgundian foederati proved their worth by capturing the former in the aftermath of the battle (after which Eucherius had the usurper summarily executed), while the latter disappeared into the Spanish countryside. Meanwhile Stilicho & Alaric had driven Monaxius all the way back to Thessalonica and called on Eucherius to join them; with Theodosiolus dead & Constans driven off the continent, the Augustus was able to answer this call for support, though he would not be able to sail for Greece until the new year. Monaxius ended 420 by sending another report to his emperor, informing Theodosius of the even graver situation they were now in and all but begging him to initiate talks with the West before the situation in the Balkans collapsed completely.

    Back in Britannia, the Jutish troops left by Hengist and Horsa had turned against their employers at the latter’s command and aggressively raided the British countryside, driving the remaining garrisons under Constantine’s general Iustinianus into fortified cities like Eboracum or Londinium itself along with many thousands of refugees. One warband even burned down the Constantinian family’s villa outside Camulodunum, which would have almost certainly resulted in the death of Constans’ family had he not moved them to Londinium before departing for the continent. And day after day, more Jutes arrived – mostly in the southeast – as well as an increasing number of Saxons from the continent. This was the situation the twins arrived to in the late summer of 420, and they wasted no time in besieging Londinium with their freshly reinforced horde. Hengist determined that, although Constans might be nipping at his heels, any hope the latter might have of preserving a Roman Britain would be lost if he could take the island province’s capital first. So determined were they to take control of all Britannia, and so confident were they of a quick victory, that when Bishop Pelagius tried to negotiate with them and even personally returned Constantine’s widow Rowena to her father as a token of good faith – Horsa instead planted an ax in his skull, and Hengist paraded his corpse before the walls of the British capital to taunt the defenders.

    However, the Jutish king had underestimated the haste with which Constans was moving – likely having anticipated him at least trying to fight the Western Romans for Gaul – and the latter’s remaining Sarmatian cavalry foiled the Jutes’ attempt to torch their ships, allowing the Romano-British to cross back over the Oceanus Britannicus in early summer. Constans finally caught up with the Jutes as they were storming Londinium, arriving just as their battering ram broke through Londinium’s main gate and Horsa’s warriors were overwhelming the garrison on the walls. Between the arrival of Constans’ army and the ferocious resistance they encountered from a desperate populace convinced that they intended a massacre – even the women of Londinium, Constans’ wife included, involved themselves by pelting the invaders with bricks, tiles and other rubble from the rooftops – the Jutes had to withdraw with great bloodshed. As they fought their way off the battlefield and back toward the southeast, the Romano-British gave chase and Julian was struck dead by Jutish angons in the pursuit, further infuriating his august elder brother.

    Though he had just saved Londinium, Constans was so enraged at the Jutes’ betrayal and the deaths of his father, brother and spiritual mentor thanks to said perfidy, that he spurned all suggestions to reach some agreement with them. He stuck around the city long enough to greet his toddler son for the first time, oversee the elevation of Pelagius’ disciple Celestius to be the new Bishop of Londinium (at which time Celestius also declared his predecessor to be a martyr, though the Nicenes would certainly not see it that way), and raise some local militia to replenish his ranks before setting out to pursue Hengist and Horsa down the great Roman road connecting Britain’s cities to Portus Dubris[19]. Not even the news that the Picts had invaded through Hadrian’s Wall and that the pagan tribes of the northern British countryside had arisen in a rebellion of their own, led by a Brigantian[20] warlord named Coel[21], could dissuade him from first dealing with the Jutes.

    Through the summer he defeated the Jutes first at Noviomagus[22] and then again at Durobrivae[23] where he partially avenged Constantine and Julian by killing Horsa, who had stayed behind to cover his brother’s retreat. Hengist prepared to engage Constans in the great Weald of the southeast, where he was sure the heavily wooded terrain would give him an advantage; but Constans successfully drew him out by taunting him with Horsa’s corpse, which he publicly strung up and fed to pigs on the forest’s edge, aggravating the Jutish king to the point that he left the cover of the trees to engage and was beaten again. By the end of November, as winter set in and the heavy rain turned to snow, Hengist had been forced all the way back to the isle of Toliatum and it seemed to all involved that Constans’ vengeance was imminent.

    OHKvE1m.jpg

    Filled with wrath, 'Emperor' Constans did not think twice about leading his men - particularly his dwindling, but still lethal cavalry - from the front to drive the Jutes out of Britain

    But before the rebel ‘Augustus’ could complete his revenge, he was confronted with bad news from the north: the Brigantes and other tribal rebels had overrun almost the entirety of northern Britain, trapping the Romans and pro-Roman Britons they hadn’t already killed or pushed south inside Eburacum, and were marching south directly toward Londinium. They had already sacked Lindum[24] earlier in the fall, driven ever forward by the Picts who themselves were now aggressively pillaging across northern Britannia, and at the pace they were moving, this winter was the last opportunity Constans had to intercept them before they reached the capital with its still-damaged defenses. While Constans fumed, Hengist sued for terms: pointing out that they had each killed the other’s younger brother and thus were ‘even’ on that count (Hengist’s own father Wihtgils, being long dead, was beyond Constans’ reach), and that Coel and the Picts would be happy to drive them both into the sea, he made his final pitch. He was prepared to bury the hatchet and renew his alliance with the Romano-Britons to fight the native Britons and Picts, in exchange for settlement rights in northern Britannia where he’d be kept busy by these Celtic locals anyway.

    Although Constans must have been strongly tempted to try to assassinate the Jute as he’d done to Pelagius, he acknowledged that his situation was dire enough that he had to take any advantage he could scrounge up to fend off these newest threats to his life and rule over Britain. So after very grudgingly agreeing to each other’s terms, the Romano-British and Jutes (not just Hengist’s remaining warriors, but the entirety of their people in Britain) started marching back up the road to Londinium and beyond again as reluctant and distrustful allies, looking to stop the Britons before they reached the capital and then deal with the Picts – and keeping each other at arm’s length all the while, camping separately each night and with Constans insisting that the Jutes march ahead of him so they couldn’t stab him in the back.

    ====================================================================================

    [1] Aosta. The Punic Pass refers to the Great St Bernard Pass.

    [2] Avenches.

    [3] Future magister militum of the Eastern Roman Empire and father of the much more famed Flavius Aspar.

    [4] Another allusion to what happened to break down Alaric’s final negotiations with Honorius in 410, though then it was Sigeric’s still-living brother Sarus who ambushed Alaric.

    [5] Brindisi.

    [6] The Bosna River.

    [7] Illidza.

    [8] Another future magister militum of the Orient, major power-broker and kingmaker in the Eastern Roman court from the 450s to 470s. Historically Aspar’s domineering presence drove said court to ally with the Isaurians, who proved a useful counterweight to his loyal Alan and Goth supporters, and he was ultimately killed in a riot with his eldest son (also named Ardabur), saving the East from its own Ricimer.

    [9] The Exilarchs were the official leaders of the exiled Jews living in Persian territory, dating back to the penultimate Judean king Jeconiah (and indeed many claimed descent from him). Historically they played a significant role in the political and intellectual life of the Babylonian Jews well into Arabic times. The Huna ben Nathan referenced here was the father of a Persian Shahbanu or empress, Shushandukht, who was indeed Bahram V’s mother and established several Jewish colonies across Persia.

    [10] An early Syriac saint who had been an advisor to Yazdgerd I, and had converted from Zoroastrianism to Christianity under the influence of his family. While Yazdgerd did not take issue with this, the much less tolerant Bahram fired James and had him cut into twenty-eight pieces, hence his nickname.

    [11] Mihr-Narseh’s official title was Wuzurg Framadar, an early Persian precursor and equivalent to the (in)famous Grand Viziers of the Islamic world. He remained influential for decades and was notably a Zoroastrian fanatic, specifically of the Zurvanite sect; on that account he engineered both the Christian persecution early in Bahram V’s reign (directly causing the Roman-Persian war of 421-22 IOTL) and attempts to force Zoroastrianism on the Armenians, leading to the Battle of Avarayr in 451.

    [12] Kardar was indeed the third son of Mihr-Narseh and, unlike his religiously and economically-inclined brothers, was known to have joined the Sassanid army. His rank of arteshtaran-salar, or ‘chief of the warriors’, was higher than that of the average spahbod or general; probably equivalent to a modern Marshal (or American General of the Army).

    [13] Diyarbakir.

    [14] No relation to the Armenian eunuch Narses who served under Justinian. This Narses was historically a Persian general who led their initial attacks into Roman territory during the war of 421-422, to little success against Ardabur.

    [15] The King of the Lakhmid Arabs at this time, historically ruling from 418 to 461. He probably grew up with Bahram after the latter was sent to be raised at the Lakhmid court, and in any case was strongly supportive of the Shah.

    [16] Monza.

    [17] Aleppo.

    [18] The Guadalquivir. This particular battle would have been fought fairly close to the river’s source, in the vicinity of modern Villacarrillo.

    [19] The ‘road’ being referred to here is the very same Watling Street where Suetonius defeated Boudica four hundred years prior, which the Romans possibly did not consider to be a single route and which was not actually called ‘Watling Street’ until Saxon times. Portus Dubris was Dover’s Roman name.

    [20] The Brigantes were a major Britonic tribe or tribal confederation in northern England, living between the rivers Tyne and Humber.

    [21] This Coel is the man who went down IOTL as Coel ‘Hen’, or Coel the Old – forefather to the royal lines of the various early medieval kingdoms of the northern Britons, such as Rheged and Elmet. He was also probably the basis for the ‘Old King Cole’ sung about in the eponymous British nursery rhyme.

    [22] Crayford. Although it’s part of London now, back then Londinium’s boundaries were smaller than those of the modern city and did not extend as far as Crayford, between the rivers Cray and Derent.

    [23] Rochester, Kent.

    [24] Lincoln.
     
    421-424: War of the Four Emperors, Part III and Aftermath
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    421 dawned with the Persians bringing up reinforcements (including a corps of formidable war elephants) to battle the Eastern Romans, which they did at Hierapolis[1] on January 30. Here Ardabur and Aspar sustained a heavy defeat, their forces scattered before the might of the Persian elephants, and their Sassanid adversary Kardar was not finished: he sent his Lakhmid auxiliaries to drive south and try to cut the Eastern Empire off from Ghassanid territory, seizing Palmyra by February 18. Days later, while Ardabur was ordering engineers in Antioch to put together anti-elephant ballistae for future use, Eucherius compounded the Eastern Romans’ suffering by landing in Attica; there he immediately compelled the surrender of Athens and Corinth with his large army, before beginning to push northward into Thessaly.

    Now, at long last, Emperor Theodosius saw reason and did as Monaxius urged him to, requesting a ceasefire and opening honest negotiations with the Western Empire. Meeting their eastern counterparts in occupied Athens, Eucherius and Stilicho wasted no time in laying out their terms: the recognition of Eucherius as lawful Augustus and his son Romanus as Caesar of the Roman Empire’s western half, the restoration of all still-occupied parts of Illyricum to the West (which was to hold them ‘in perpetuity’), the return of the Visigoths to their homes in said prefecture, the return of the Senators who fled when Priscus Attalus fell and the immediate payment of 1,000 pounds of gold followed by an annual tribute of another 200 pounds over the next five years. All in all, astonishingly mild terms after the intense struggles of the past three years; but Stilicho was reluctant to kill even more Romans after three years of bitter fighting and (despite his opinion of the Eastern court being so low as to be practically subterranean) did not want to see the entire Eastern Empire collapse, while Eucherius sorely needed to consolidate and stabilize the Western Empire after having just staved off the various usurpers and barbarians menacing it. Also, as spring dawned the pair received word that Felix had re-emerged and raised another distant Theodosian cousin as usurper in Hispania, which no doubt counted as a short-term factor in motivating their moderate terms.

    While Theodosius was willing to accept these terms on account of their mildness and so his generals could concentrate on the Persian threat, he had the audacity to request that – after everything – the West should aid him in his war with Persia. Eucherius laughed at his Oriental counterpart’s proposition, considering it a probable joke and certainly the most ridiculous thing he had ever heard in his life, but Stilicho had a better idea in mind. Since the War of the Four Emperors would be fast approaching its end with this peace settlement, he would have to release Bleda and the remaining Huns in his service back to their lands; however, he recommended that Constantinople hire them to help fight the Persians, pointing to their impressive combat record as part of his own army – and certain that the East, having always been the wealthier of the two Romes even after the West used it as a gold piñata, still had money to burn.

    While Stilicho and Eucherius headed home, envoys from Constantinople offered the Hun khagans Octar and Rugila 500 pounds of gold in exchange for the service of their men as mercenaries, a payment which they would repeat for as long as the Huns were needed[2]. For such a sum they were prepared to not only order their nephew to join them now that Stilicho no longer had need of him, but to contribute a further 5,000 Hunnish warriors. Rumor also has it that one of the Eastern emissaries was an agent of the sly eunuch Chrysaphius and asked the joint khagans how much it would cost to get them to attack Stilicho, but the pair (and their other brother Mundzuk) had not forgotten either their father Uldin’s solid relationship with the magister militum nor their uncle Charaton’s utter defeat at his hands, as well as the fact that their kinsman Attila had yet to return from the imperial court in Ravenna, and bluntly answered that the price of that decision was higher than the East could afford.

    ESyagBI.jpg

    For the appropriate price, Octar & Rugila were prepared to assist the Eastern Romans with most of their troubles...as long as those troubles weren't named 'Stilicho', anyway

    By the time Procopius, Monaxius and Bleda arrived near Antioch on June 5, the Persians had come within striking distance of the city – and thus, severing the southern half of the Eastern Roman Empire from its northern half. Immediately after uniting with what was left of Ardabur’s and Jabalah III’s[3] army, they set out to confront Kardar’s advancing army just east of the great diocesan capital. And while his generals prepared to contest the fate of the Diocese of the East with Ctesiphon, Theodosius married the daughter of a prominent Athenian academician named Athenais – having first noticed her during the negotiations with Eucherius and Stilicho earlier in the year, and encouraged in his affections for her by Paulinus – on June 7, renaming her Aelia Eudocia as part of her baptism into Christianity.

    The Battle of Antioch which followed three days later pitted 35,000 Eastern Romans, including the 10,000 Huns under Bleda’s command, against an even larger host of 50,000 Persians, whose host also included a thirty-strong unit of armored elephants. Bleda’s men formed part of the Romans’ cavalry screen, aggressively skirmishing with forward elements of the Sassanid army (who the Huns surprised with their superior skill at horse archery and exotic weapons such as the lasso) and boldly trying to shoot down the elephants leading their assault. Though he had never seen the beasts before, having only heard of their use in repelling a Hunnic invasion of Sassanid lands led by his grandfathers in 395, by all accounts the bold Hunnish prince was quite thrilled to be facing such a huge new challenge; he even created an impromptu betting pool with several of his lieutenants, to be rewarded to whoever among them could strike an elephant dead first.

    As the Persian front line pushed past this screen to engage the Roman infantry, the veteran Roman legions held their ground against the onrushing Persian army and kept their elephants at bay with waves of plumbata, javelins and ballista bolts in addition to their disciplined shield-and-spear-walls. Bleda won the wager he had set up around this time, sniping an elephant’s mahout and then riding close enough to throw a javelin into the confused beast’s eye. Soon the Persian pachyderms began to panic under the pressure of the missile barrage and stampeded back into their own lines, driving the entire Persian army into retreat. 5,000 Persians fell compared to fewer than a thousand Eastern Romans and the front line was pushed back toward Edessa, after which Kardar spent the rest of the year focusing more on consolidating his hold on the territories he still occupied than on another offensive toward Antioch.

    0ZOMhQK.jpg

    The Huns and Persians had not faced each other since the former's abortive invasion of the Caucasus in 395, so both sides had plenty of surprises for the other in the Battle of Antioch

    Back in the west, as mentioned previously Felix had re-emerged in Hispania and taken advantage of Eucherius’ eastward departure to raise a new usurper: in this case Didymus[4], a cousin of Theodosiolus (and thus an even more distant relative of Theodosius, Honorius and the now-uncontested-Augusta Galla Placidia). The pair had managed to scrounge up an army in northern Gallaecia, appealing to the long-autonomous mountain tribes of the Astures and Cantabri for warriors in exchange for a chance to pillage the loyalist parts of Hispania, as well as Priscillianist[5] heretics in the remote corners of the peninsula, to whom they promised toleration. Stilicho volunteered to assist Boniface in crushing this last threat, which they did with contemptuous ease at the Battle of Abula[6] – in so doing, spiting the Priscillian followers of Didymus in particular, for it was the city which their sect’s eponymous founder had claimed to be the legitimate bishop of – on May 16. Didymus was killed in the rout, and a hopeless Felix committed suicide in the Asturian mountains much as Arbogast had done before him after the Frigidus.

    Now the only rival Emperor left standing was Constans in Britain. However, circumstances arose to ensure that neither he nor Eucherius would come to blows again, so the defeat of Didymus was the effective conclusion to the War of the Four Emperors. On Eucherius’ side, he was occupied with having to rebuild the devastated empire he had won; Didymus’ rising proved that his hold on power could still be contested at any time, and Gaul and Illyricum were both badly torn up, in particular the former which had faced an astounding amount of violence at the hands of barbarian invaders in just a few years.

    Using the money he had gotten out of the Eastern Empire, Eucherius once again set out on a campaign of land redistribution, though one with far less violence than what he’d inflicted on the Senate in Italy. With his gold he bought devastated Gallic estates, and any coloni & slaves still bound to them, from the Gallo-Roman landowners impoverished by the need to bribe rampaging barbarians and Constantinian troops so as to not die horribly at their hands, then pitched the same offer to said sharecroppers and slaves as he had done to their Italian counterparts: become soldiers in the Roman army, and they would be repaid not only with freedom from their bonds and debts, but the plot of land they and their family had been working on. Lands where the occupants had been entirely killed in the war or driven off and demonstrated no desire to return, not even for what the imperial government was offering them, were parceled out to any still-landless troops in Eucherius’ service or sold at below-market prices to other refugees & Romans willing to personally live in and work the land for at least 15 years. Through this program, Eucherius hoped to both further repopulate Gaul (particularly its coastal and frontier provinces, which bore the worst of the wartime devastation) and alleviate overpopulation in Rome itself.

    With the new soldiers, Eucherius further sought to rebuild the Gallic legions, few of which remained standing. To lead them, he not only had his magister equitum per Gallias but also the younger talent Aetius had dug up in that office: among others, the most promising officers of the new Gallic generation were the quiet and loyal Aegidius[7] of Augustodunum[8] and Arigius’ young but determined son, Arbogast[9]. Until (and for some time after) they finished training however, the emperor had to remain in Gaul to protect its borders directly and also suppress roving bands of bagaudae[10] who still troubled its already-wrecked countryside. Where possible, he relied on churchmen such as Bishop Germanus of Autessiodurum[11] to peacefully negotiate and sway them into settling back down (usually by parceling lands out to them and their families), but where this was not possible he sent his legions to smash them: their activity threatened to undo his reconstruction efforts, and he couldn’t have that after all he’d done to restore security and vitality to the Western Empire. Regardless of how these troubles were dealt with, it was clear that it would take many years for Gaul to recover from the War of the Four Emperors, and that Eucherius could not afford to consider striking at Britain until he had permanently secured the region first.

    Over in Illyricum, the Visigoths had returned immediately following the Eastern Roman withdrawal and they most certainly had a lot of grudges to settle. Warbands of Gothic veterans attacked first anyone who’d driven them off their original settlements, then more generally any local Greeks they suspected of having fought for Monaxius when he first came through (who, invariably, also had estates and loot they wanted to ‘liberate’), while their families squatted on the newly-emptied lands in their wake. To prevent the situation in the prefecture’s eastern half from dissolving into seething anarchy, Stilicho closely worked with Alaric to clamp down on the violence, expend yet more gold on bribing lesser Gothic chiefs and captains to stop rampaging, and outlawing & hanging the worst & most irreconcilable offenders until they had restored a semblance of order. Despite the involvement of both the Visigoth king and magister militum, stabilizing Illyricum and safely resettling the Visigoths back on its soil promised to occupy their attention for the rest of 421, and probably 422 as well.

    mDbdE3W.jpg

    Some Visigoths were so hellbent on revenge against the Greco-Romans of Illyricum that nothing short of a Roman sword in their skull - not even their king's command - could dissuade them

    In Britain, grudging allies Constans and Hengist faced Coel’s Britons in the spring, setting up their headquarters on opposite sides of the town of Duroliponte[12] and opposing the Britonic army north of the River Granta[13] which ran through it. Despite their mutual hatred, the two men had worked before to defeat Arigius on the continent and did so again to vanquish Coel: in a classic, the Jutish heavy infantry pinned down the Britons in the center of the battlefield while Constans’ men battered their flanks. Coel beat a hasty retreat but soon sent word to Constans, asking to negotiate his own alliance with the Romano-Britons against the Picts – who had proven even more destructive than the Jutes as they stormed through northern Britannia.

    At first Constans, already worried enough about keeping Hengist on a leash, was reluctant to entertain the offer. But when his scouts reported that the Pictish horde approaching them was at least 15,000 strong – more than double the size of his and Hengist’s remaining forces combined – he changed his mind, and promised to recognize Coel’s authority over northwestern Britain if they threw the Picts back together. Together, this coalition of some 2,500 Romano-Britons, 4,000 Jutes and 6,000 Britons faced the larger Pictish army on the River Lindis[14], having first camped near the heavily damaged Lindum. Once more the barbaric elements of the allied army (as well as the stoutest of the Romano-British infantry) baited their enemy into attacking them head-on, while Constans himself assailed their flanks with his cavalry and more mobile footmen. Still, the Picts were numerous and fierce warriors whose front line of howling and heavily-armed woad-painted madmen unsettled even the most experienced of the Romano-British legionaries, and they did not break as easily as the Britons had. Only when Constans rode down their champion Nechtan[15] and terrified his brother the Pictish king, Drest[16], into withdrawing did they finally similarly retreat.

    With the Picts repulsed, Constans considered backstabbing his barbarian allies, but the heavy losses of army had sustained over the past years of endless battles and the need to rebuild what parts of Britain he still held drove thoughts of such plots from his head, not to mention whatever faint hope he still entertained of contending with Eucherius once more. Instead he settled the Jutes north of the River Lindis and gave Coel’s people free reign west and north of the Pennines, counting on them to root out the Picts remaining on Britannic soil and also hoping that they’d eventually come to blows as they moved through the desolate countryside of northern Britannia; them wiping each other out, and thus sparing him the need to do that himself later, would be ideal. Constans then went home to Londinium, where he set about organizing reconstruction efforts and the institutions of a Pelagian Church to challenge the orthodox one on the mainland.

    wUFGkSl.png

    Even surrounded with Britons & Jutes to their front and Romano-Britons assailing their flanks, the Picts managed to put up a ferocious enough fight to cost their enemies the ability to immediately fight each other afterward

    422 opened with hostilities between the Eastern Roman and Sassanid empires escalating past the level of raids and skirmishes once again. Both sides had raised further reinforcements, though Persia’s were by far more numerous thanks to the strain all the tributes and bribes Constantinople was dispensing had placed on its treasury. In the face of these Persian numbers, an attempt by generals Aspar and Anatolius[17] to open a second front and invade into Persian Armenia floundered west of Tigranocerta. Instead, both sides wound up concentrating their forces – a total of 36,000 men on the Eastern Roman side, and 60,000 on that of the Persians – in hopes of fighting a decisive battle, which they got at Cyrrhus on April 6.

    Monaxius lined his Eastern Romans up on his side of the banks of the Ufrenus River[18] outside the city, counting on the terrain advantage to help even out their not-inconsiderable numerical disadvantage. Kardar anticipated this move and stretched his own army out to try to cover more ground and more easily circumvent the Eastern Romans’ positions, taking full advantage of his superior numbers to do so without leaving any vulnerable gaps in his own lines. In particular he personally led a large flanking force of 3,000 light cavalry, 3,000 heavy cavalry (including many cataphracts and 300 of the mighty Zhayedan[19] corps) and 20 elephants, including his own – covered in gilded armor and further armed with iron tips for its tusks – on the extreme southern end of the battlefield.

    Initially, the battle went well for the Eastern Romans. As Monaxius anticipated, his disciplined legions ably held most of the river crossings against even the charges of the Zhayedan and war elephants, always forcing the Persians back onto the far side of the Ufrenus with heavy losses. But the Sassanids saw more success on the far ends of the battlefield, where they broke through the greener and less reliable Roman legions Monaxius had assigned to defend the fords furthest from the center and threatened to stomp his army flat between them. Monaxius sent Anatolius to counter the smaller Persian detachment to the north with Bleda while he and Procopius hurried to face Kardar’s much more dangerous force to the south with the bulk of their reserves, leaving the center in the capable hands of Ardabur and Aspar.

    While Anatolius saw off the northern Persian troops and retook the crossings before too many more of their men could cross, Monaxius faced a much more difficult battle in the south. Kardar’s elite division included the most formidable troops the Sassanids had to offer, and they were followed by a trickle of reinforcements crossing the river at the fords they’d taken. And though Monaxius actually had the edge in the number of heavy horsemen on that particular part of the battlefield, Kardar’s elephants greatly limited their utility. The battle was hanging in the balance when Kardar and Monaxius ran across each other, purely by chance – the former’s elephant was running through and over the latter’s bodyguard as part of its stampede across the rocky plain. Eschewing his kontos lance after realizing that even if he got close enough to use it, there was a good chance he wouldn’t be able to penetrate the mighty beast’s armor, Monaxius instead armed himself with a javelin and flung it at the elephant’s eye with all his might.

    And he missed, much to his horror. Moments later, the elephant skewered the Oriental Prefect on one of its bladed tusks and crushed his horse beneath its feet, much to Kardar’s elation.

    But the day was not yet done, for Procopius was nearby and also attacked Kardar with javelins. He did not aim to kill the armored pachyderm itself as Monaxius had, but instead hurled his spear at its mahout – and also unlike Monaxius’ javelin, it struck home. Kardar tried to steer the elephant himself as it began to panic, but he was not trained to do such a thing and quickly lost control altogether; compounding his misfortune, his hands became entangled in the chains and ropes forming the creature’s neck harness and he ended up helplessly dangling on its right as it turned around to rampage through his own men.

    Even the Zhayedan had to scatter in the face of this unexpected attack, and as several other elephants of theirs were turned against them by other Roman horsemen, the entire Persian southern detachment which had previously been on the verge of victory began to retreat in disarray. Kardar himself tried to command them to stay and keep on fighting, but he was obviously unable to strike a convincing – much less inspiring – posture this entire time. One of the more daring Immortals eventually felled the creature with two arrows to the eye, but by then the damage had been done; and to add injury upon injury, the great beast keeled over onto the side Kardar was hanging from, flattening the still-trapped Sassanid marshal beneath its dying bulk.

    bRQxfN9.png

    While obviously extremely dangerous, the Persian war elephants were also not completely mindless and could be panicked into turning against their masters by the Romans

    After the sun had set, the Eastern Romans were left in control of the battlefield and with comparatively fewer casualties – some 4,000 men lost compared to the Persians’ 9,000. But both sides had lost their top commander, and the Eastern Romans in particular were exhausted after years of warfare both in the East & West and wary of the massive expenses they were incurring. Theodosius lauded the victors but sued for peace immediately after, and Anatolius and Procopius succeeded in negotiating a settlement whereby Ctesiphon would cough up 1,000 pounds of gold immediately and 500 more pounds a year for the next three years in exchange for keeping Amida, Palmyra and all the borderlands in-between. A painful territorial loss for Rome, to be sure, but far from the worst that could’ve happened, considering how dire the straits they were in seemed to be at the end of 420 - and the monetary compensation for the land was welcome after the East's own payments to the West.

    The Eastern Augustus had further cause to celebrate when his first child – a girl christened Licinia Eudoxia – was born at the start of summer, several weeks after the conclusion of his war with Persia. Over the next few months and years Eucherius & Stilicho strove to arrange the betrothal of their Caesar Romanus, now ten years Licinia Eudoxia’s senior, to the newborn Eastern Roman princess. But every time Theodosius and his court spurned their efforts, having no desire to tie the East any closer to the West than absolutely necessary – and especially not to willingly assist the ascendancy of the new Stilichian dynasty with any more drops of Theodosian blood.

    With Monaxius dead, the Eastern Augustus also had to make another choice as to who should run his empire for him. In the end Theodosius chose the redeemed Procopius to succeed the fallen Monaxius as Praetorian Prefect of the East, while also appointing Ardabur to the office of magister militum and rewarding Paulinus with elevation to the rank of magister officiorum[20]. All three would have hard work ahead, rebuilding the Eastern Empire’s strength after years of losing wars and having to pay tributes.

    Far to the west, reconstruction continued apace in the occidental half of the Roman Empire, where they experienced a few more of those rare mercifully peaceful years. Eucherius was able to concern himself less with the borders, which were quiet for a change, and more with further internal reforms to shore up the Western Empire’s long-term position. As he was able to start demobilizing the most superfluous elements of his armies and still getting money from the Eastern Empire, the emperor felt financially secure enough to issue a decree forgiving debts and particularly remitting tax arrears, which went a long way to both further securing popular support for his regime and partly reconciling him to the landowning aristocracy. More generally Eucherius embarked on a program of cleaning up the civil service and reining in bureaucratic abuses: decurions (local tax collectors) had their milder past abuses pardoned but were held to greater scrutiny from now on and had some privileges revoked, public examples were made of especially abusive and corrupt decurions, and the office of defensor civitalis – a sort of local public defender – was restored to provide common citizens with greater recourse in legal fights with their nearest administrators and officials, serving as a new way to keep the latter honest[21]. In all this, the emperor was guided both by his father and Joannes, who he had further promoted to the rank of comes sacrarum largitionum[22].

    Speaking of the emperor’s father, once order had been restored to Illyricum and reconstruction could start in earnest, Stilicho also began the hard work of rebuilding the Illyrian and Dalmatian legions which had been depleted by over a decade of almost-constant fighting. The frontier dioceses of Illyricum (not to be confused with the larger prefecture which includes it) and Dacia had for two centuries been the breeding grounds of Rome’s strongest and most reliable soldiers, including many emperors, and 422 AD would be no exception. The magister militum expended the Eastern tribute money his son wasn’t spending to recruit many thousands of Balkan legionaries, promising them that military service would guarantee their lands and the safety of their families from not only the Eastern Romans and Huns but also the Visigoths, who after all were their neighbors again and could certainly continue to harbor a grudge. One of the most promising of his Illyrian recruits was a young gentleman named Marcellinus[23] (no relation to the African governor of the same name), a pagan who nevertheless quickly gained the Nicene Christian Stilicho’s respect with his martial ability and quick wit.

    QhLMirZ.jpg

    After the great bloodletting and often breakneck reversals of the War of the Four Emperors, the Western Romans badly needed a few years of peace to rest & rebuild their legions from Gaul to Illyricum

    From outside the West, the years 421 to 424 saw no further major barbarian incursions to succeed the Burgundians. Evidently, Stilicho’s victories at their expense and the restoration of Roman strength along the frontiers had put the fear of God or the gods in their hearts, as it had done with Octar and Rugila of the Huns. Despite being outside Western Roman authority the peoples of Britannia also knew peace in this time, as the Picts had largely retreated back beyond Hadrian’s Wall after their defeat on the Lindis and the last of them still on British territory were expelled by a rebellion of the Votadini[24] tribe. All of the island’s major combatants had exhausted themselves utterly in their earlier great war, and needed to rebuild as much as the mainland Roman Empires did. The Romano-Britons however experienced increasing factionalism between the supporters of Constans, Pelagianism and British independence or even their claim to the purple on one hand, and those who remained loyal to Nicene orthodoxy and sought to reconcile with Ravenna on the other. As the former faction was ascendant and replaced orthodox clerics with Pelagian ones wherever possible, the latter increasingly emigrated to Gaul and lobbied for an expedition to recover the island province from the heretical Constantinians once and for all.

    In any case this short period of recovery was first openly interrupted toward the end of 424 not by Britons, Jutes or Romans, but by the Irish: raiding parties of ‘Scotti’ (as all Gaels were still named then) harried Manavia[25], briefly occupied Mona[26] and put many villages between Segontium[27] and Moridunum[28] to the torch, then fled back across the Irish Sea with their plunder and slaves before Constans could muster a response. These attacks were known to Romans on the mainland thanks largely to the writings of Patricius[29], a missionary to Hibernia, who – having once been a slave to the Scotti himself – denounced the sudden presence of Latin and Britonnic-speaking slaves on Irish auction blocks and requested funds from the Mother Church to purchase their freedom. Shortly after these Irish raids, hostilities began to flare up between the Britonic tribes and the Jutes in the north over unrelated border concerns as Jutish settlers tried to move further inland and inevitably came to blows with elements of the northern Briton confederation, including some clans affiliated with Coel's Brigantes.

    Back on the continent, this break in warfare also gave Eucherius time to mind his own family. And he needed that time, for he had gotten Galla Placidia pregnant for the third time in January of 422, some months after finally being able to return to her side. But the celebration over the birth of their daughter at Capri, named Maria after Eucherius’ deceased eldest sister, on an unusually hot day in early October was cut short when Stilicho suffered heat stroke while walking the beach under the noon sun. Immersion in the nearest frigidarium[30] and extensive hydration over the next few days kept death’s hand at bay that time, but the experience left him and his family wondering how much more time he still had left on God’s green earth.

    The answer turned out to be ‘not much longer at all’. Stilicho of course was in his sixties, but were it not for the stresses of keeping the empire together he – being a physically fit, strong and consistently well-fed man, especially by the standards of his time – would probably have seen at least his early seventies. However, the extreme stress of having to constantly keep barbarians and the Eastern Empire at bay for almost 30 years with almost no breaks in-between wars had shaved years off his life, as did the many injuries he incurred in his lengthy service to the Western Empire (of which Aspar’s mace-blow to his skull was only the latest). The sun stroke incident was just the straw that broke the overburdened camel’s back, at one of those rare moments when he thought he could relax no less.

    On December 20, 424 the magister militum, whose very name had become like a talisman to all who wished good fortune and survival unto the Western Roman Empire, found that after weeks of complaining about increasing weakness, fatigue and aches – he no longer had the strength to arise from his bed, having been stricken with a fever. After eleven days of bloodletting and induced sweating failed to improve his condition Stilicho passed away in Mediolanum, exactly one hour after the last rites were administered to him and one hour before the year’s end, having gotten to enjoy his final and greatest victory for only three years. He was sixty-five years old.

    sNmWqVm.png


    1. Western Roman Empire
    2. Eastern Roman Empire
    3. Romano-British
    4. Britons of Hen Ogledd
    5. Jutes
    6. Franks
    7. Burgundians
    8. Visigoths
    9. Huns
    10. Alans, Suebi & Silingi Vandals
    11. Garamantians
    12. Caucasian kingdoms of Lazica, Iberia & Albania
    13. Sassanid Empire
    14. Ghassanids
    15. Lakhmids

    ====================================================================================

    [1] Manbij.

    [2] Historically, the Huns extorted a great sum from the ERE after raiding them in 422 instead.

    [3] The historical Ghassanid king from 418 to 434.

    [4] Another one of the Theodosian cousins who tried to oppose Constans’ offensive into Hispania but was swiftly defeated IOTL. He was one of the two captured and put to death by the Romano-British.

    [5] Historically, the Priscillianists were a Gnostic-influenced Christian sect active in Spain until the mid-6th century, so named after a certain Priscillian who claimed the Bishopric of Avila around 380. Like the Gnostics, they believed in the dualistic division of the universe into one side of light, goodness and the spirit (championed by the ‘Twelve Patriarchs’) and another of darkness, evil and the flesh (led by representatives of the Zodiac). Consequently they had a reputation for being extreme ascetics, who believed the salvation Jesus offered mankind was primarily in liberation from earthly matter and fasted frequently to reduce their dependence on the material world as much as possible. They were also known to have viewed the Old Testament with less hostility than most Gnostics but still rejected the Creation story in Genesis, and to promote self-study of holy texts and seeking of personal inspiration.

    [6] Ávila.

    [7] Historically the future father of Syagrius and de-facto independent ruler of northern Gaul from 458 to 465, particularly after Majorian was overthrown and he refused to recognize the latter’s successors.

    [8] Autun.

    [9] Historically the future Count of Trier, who kept Romanitas alive in and around that city into the 470s and corresponded frequently with Bishop Sidonius Apollinaris.

    [10] Lowborn brigands of the Late Roman period, often a mix of runaway slaves and coloni and desperate survivors of the wars & invasions plaguing the provinces.

    [11] Germanus of Auxerre, future saint who was most famous for visiting Britain in the late 420s and crushing Pelagianism. He also did involve himself with putting down bagaudae revolts IRL, doing so peaceably – although on at least one occasion, the bagaudae he talked down soon rebelled again.

    [12] Cambridge.

    [13] The River Cam.

    [14] The River Witham.

    [15] A legendary Pictish king, said to have ruled for anywhere between ten to twenty-four years. The only thing known about him with any certainty is that he was probably Drest’s brother as the legends suggest.

    [16] Another legendary Pictish king, who was said to have ruled for a century. This was of course almost certainly impossible (unless he happened to be extremely, improbably and unusually long-lived), and even less is known about him with any certainty than his brother.

    [17] Historically, the Eastern magister militum between 433 and 446 and also Consul in the year 440. In addition to being a commander, he was noted for his diplomatic ability in talks with both the Huns and Persians.

    [18] The Afrin River.

    [19] The Zhayedan were the Sassanids’ revival of the old Achaemenid Immortals. Like the latter, they maintained a permanent strength of 10,000 and were considered among the absolute best fighters Persia had to offer. Unlike the old Immortals however, they fought not as multi-purpose bow/spearmen on foot but rather exclusively as ultra-heavy cavalry riding atop famously sturdy Nisaean horses.

    [20] ‘Master of Offices’, the Empire’s inspector-general and commander of the Scholae Palatinae (post-Constantinian imperial guard).

    [21] More or less the common-sense civil & economic reforms of Majorian, moved 40 years ahead of their OTL time.

    [22] ‘Count of the Sacred Largess’, state treasurer of the Late Empire.

    [23] Historically, this Marcellinus was a good friend of Aetius and Aegidius, and after the former’s murder by Valentinian III he carved out his own autonomous domain like the latter; in Marcellinus’ case, he made Dalmatia into his fiefdom. Later, he ably served Majorian and Anthemius, but gained the enmity of Ricimer and was eventually murdered by him in 468.

    [24] The Votadini were the major Britonic tribe of Lothian and the eastern Scottish Borders. They eventually founded the kingdom of Gododdin, which had its capital at modern Edinburgh.

    [25] The Isle of Man.

    [26] Anglesey.

    [27] Caernarfon.

    [28] Carmarthen.

    [29] The future Saint Patrick, Apostle of Ireland.

    [30] The cooling pool of a Roman bathhouse.
     
    Last edited:
    Requiescat in pace, Stilicho
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    Praetorium of Mediolanum, evening of December 31 424

    “Father!” Flavius Eucherius shouted as he hurried up the stairs and flung open the door to Stilicho’s quarters, but immediately quieted down when he caught his aged mother’s reproachful glare and saw that everyone else gathered around the older man’s bed had done so in grim silence. He swept the Pannonian cap off his head and approached more slowly with his head bowed, as if he were an official and his father the Emperor rather than the other way around, slipping into a space between his dark-haired wife and eldest son – no doubt they had already said their farewells to the imperial generalissimo earlier, and his younger children had equally certainly been sent to bed by this late hour. “Forgive my tardiness, I came as quickly as I could, but the snows have made the Alpine passes treacherous at best.” Other than the high civil officials of court standing about the room, such as Joannes, he could see that they were joined this day by Alaric the Goth and his son Theodoric, both of whom were sitting in the corner with rather grim expressions on their faces.

    “No worries, my son.” That Stilicho said these words in a thin wheeze, and that the old magister militum was bedridden and visibly pale beneath the candlelight, made Eucherius worry all the more. All his life, his father had seemed to him the very image of strength and vitality; that he had been reduced to this state, unable to even rise from his bed and bound beneath many blankets for fear that a cold breeze could blow his life away, was both almost incomprehensible and terrifying. “What matters is that you are here, now, while I still draw breath.”

    “Nay, what matters is that you still draw breath at all, father.” The shaky quality to Eucherius’ own voice alerted Stilicho in turn, and he released his grip on the hand of his sole surviving daughter Thermantia – now garbed in a nun’s habit, having retired to a convent after the death of her husband Honorius – to instead grasp his son by the wrist. His grip was much weaker than it had been even a year or two ago however, and so it was far less reassuring a gesture than he had thought it would be. “What has the medicus found? Is this but a fleeting illness?”

    Galla Placidia shook her head next to him, even as she gently placed one hand on her lordly husband’s shoulder. “A severe imbalance of humors, specifically of blood – that is what he said. He has already let out some more blood for the day, and instructed us to keep the blankets on to induce sweating.” The empress could not hide her grimace at the sight of her visibly weakening father-in-law. Was the medicus’ treatment not working? That could not be; it matched up perfectly with all she, and everyone else in the room, knew of Galen’s writings on humors. A feverish state, being both hot and moist, was clearly caused by an excess of blood, and the solution was to drain said excess by bloodletting and sweating…

    “I cannot say I feel any better now than I did when the treatment began.” Stilicho shook his head without lifting it from his pillow. “But if the worst should transpire, and I fail to see tomorrow – “

    “You will. You must!” Eucherius could not hide the note of desperation in his voice, returning his father’s grip with a much stronger one on the latter’s own wrist. “Rome still has need of you, father, as do I. We all do. We both know the last few years of peace you have won us cannot last forever, and indeed will likely not last much longer.”

    “I remember well what we discussed last we set foot in the war room, son.” Stilicho coughed, needing a moment to settle down. “But my life is squarely in the hands of our Lord. If it is His will that I live to see another sunrise, I shall; if not, then I shall not. Only the rebellious Britons are so haughty and presumptuous to defy the destinies He has marked for each of us.” He sighed and looked up squarely into his only son’s eyes, taking notice of the trace of tears at their corners; something he had not seen since Eucherius was a boy. “Why do you grieve, Eucherius? Rome is finally secure from all threats. If I am called to our Father’s judgment tonight, I can face Him and give an accounting of all my triumphs and failures both without fear or regret, counting the state of the Empire among the former and certainly not among the latter.”

    “Those rebel Britons you speak of, the barbarians stalking outside our gates, the East – they’ve all been quiet for too long.” Eucherius asserted, unwilling to let go of his father’s arm and inhaling deeply to steady himself. “No doubt they have been rebuilding their strength just as we have, father. When they strike – and we know they will – we must face them together, as we always have.”

    “Yes…no doubt, indeed.” Stilicho sighed again. When he closed his eyes to blink, a wave of weariness struck him, and he had to fight a strong temptation to not open them again. “But when they strike, they will face you, Flavius Eucherius Augustus. The empire will be safe in your hands, you have proven that already. Martial strength, leadership on the battlefield and in peacetime both, the humility and patience to listen to those trying to help you…you’ve shown me you are capable of all these things.” He groaned and shifted slightly, wanting to prove to himself as much as his family and court that he was still strong enough to move. “Just exercise a healthy degree of caution in all your statecraft and battles both, and I am certain you will do fine, with or without me. You have many other worthy companions still to aid you in the battles ahead…”

    “Aye, that he does. Including myself.” Came the gruff voice of Alaric, who had arisen from his seat and walked up to the emperor with surprisingly light steps for a man of his size. His hair had gone all gray now, just like his rival-turned-friend’s, and his own eyes had grown increasingly clouded, though fortunately for his remaining enemies Theodoric was still in his prime and able to remind all around of the fury of the fire-haired Balthings with a mean look. The barbarian king clapped Eucherius on the shoulder as the latter was inhaling deeply to contain his emotions and continued, “Have no fear, old friend. I am proud to have fought both against and with a worthy man like yourself, and will be just as proud to fight for your son against anyone who might challenge us.”

    “…yes indeed, Alaric.” Stilicho looked just as surprised at the Visigoth’s display of friendship as his imperial son. The Goth typically wore his heart on his sleeve and was about as subtle as a warhammer to the face, and he’d be lying if he said the tribulations of the past decades had not forged ties of genuine companionship between the two old enemies – not to mention that, as he felt these were probably his final hours, he wished to avoid thinking uncharitable thoughts before facing God the Father – so he truly did not want to think Alaric was lying to gain their confidence in his final hours. But some old doubts die harder than the men carrying them. “I will pray that the bond of friendship between our peoples will endure for another thousand years. I must confess that I never expected to have a barbarian at my side in my last hours, however...”

    “Oh?” If Alaric was offended, he didn’t show it, instead grinning beneath his silver beard. “Then what about a friend?”

    “Now that, I was hoping for.” Stilicho matched Alaric’s deep laughter with a weak chuckle of his own and raised his other hand to shake the barbarian king’s one last time, while Eucherius and the other Romans present stood nonplussed. They’d all witnessed Alaric and Stilicho interacting on increasingly friendlier terms over the years, and it made sense considering how often the pair had fought together against threats to both their lives and peoples, but this was the first time any of them had heard the latter actually call the former his friend.

    “Myself, I never expected to ever say this, either – but I will miss you, Flavius Stilicho.” Since pulling the magister militum into a manly embrace was not possible in the latter’s current condition, Alaric settled for clasping Stilicho’s raised hand with both of his own and giving it a firm shake. He did not notice the glance Stilicho shot toward the emperor, all but warning the latter not to completely lower his guard around the Visigoths even after this display. However, the gesture was not missed by Theodoric, who – never having been as close to Stilicho or even Eucherius – had been content to observe from his seat, and narrowed his eyes at the three older men. Was it even possible to get the Romans to fully trust him and his people, ever?

    “Great general, the confessor has arrived.” Joannes cut in, having greeted the priest at the door to spare his overlord from the interruption. That was the cue for the Roman court to begin leaving Stilicho’s side, for his confession could not be heard by any other than God (through said confessor). Last to leave, of course, were Serena, Eucherius and the immediate imperial family.

    To his grandson Romanus, Stilicho left a few words of wisdom. “Remember what I told you the first time your father allowed you to sit at the war table, Caesar: if you ever face the Huns, try to corner them against the geography of the battlefield, and if they should flee before you, think carefully over whether you should pursue them or not.”

    To Thermantia, Eucherius and Galla Placidia, he left some final praises. “To think, I have watched you grow from toddlers at my feet to the fine man and women you are now. I do not wish to sound uncharitable towards your brother, my good-daughter, but it is equally important that I am honest as I prepare to face the Almighty: you and Eucherius have been – and, I am sure, will continue to be – far finer rulers of the Occident than he was. May God continue to watch over you, the Roman People, and I suppose even the Senate as well…”

    To his wife Serena, the magister militum had the least to say. Theirs had been a political marriage arranged by the elder Theodosius as a reward for Stilicho’s loyal and competent service, and had initially been as frosty as most political marriages tended to be. But the two increasingly warmed up after the birth of their son and daughters, and through the various political crises they navigated together. When she kissed him on the cheek for the last time she heard him say, “I love you,” with sincerity in his voice, and lingered by his bedside for longer than she thought she would.

    Not long after the priest heard his final confession of sins and administered the last rites, Stilicho closed his eyes and drifted off to sleep. This time he truly would not open them again, though it took till morning for anyone to find that the longtime savior of the Occident had – despite the hopes of his son – passed away. Thus ended one of the most important chapters in the history of the Western Roman Empire...
     
    425-430: Back to old routines...
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    As news spread of Stilicho’s death, so too did boldness to act against the empire he could no longer protect. First to act were several Alamannic and Suevic tribes, who moved to cross the Rhine toward the end of the spring of 425. After receiving reports of their coming from Arbogast and the garrison commanders of Augusta Treverorum and Mogontiacum, Eucherius, Aetius and the rebuilt Gallic legions (as well as a 5,000-man contingent of Frankish federates under their king Faramund[1]) hurried to respond, meeting the new threat in battle near the latter city where the late Arigius had fought off a larger and meaner horde nineteen years before.

    There the 17,000-strong Western Roman and Frankish army met a Germanic horde nearly three times their size, and proved their worth just as their Emperor did on the same crossings. Eucherius formed his infantry into stiff shield-walls at each and every crossing the Germans thought to cross, personally commanding the defense of the widest of the fords where the heaviest Germanic offensive fell, while Aetius led their cavalry reserve and raced to reinforce any point where it seemed the Western Roman defense was faltering throughout the day. Eventually the Alamanni and Sueves had had enough and dispersed back into their forests under the weight of Roman spears, swords and plumbatae, leaving behind nearly 6,000 dead compared to barely 1,000 Western Romans. Eucherius had proven, at least to the barbarians on the other side of the Rhine, that he was not to be taken lightly even without his father at his side.

    2561LqN.jpg

    Nearly 37-year-old Emperor Eucherius surveying a Rhenish crossing. He wears a beard not to commemorate his barbarian heritage, but rather in conscious imitation of past bearded soldier-emperors such as Septimius Severus & Aurelian

    Out east, Alaric petitioned Eucherius for the office of magister militum now that Stilicho was dead, and both out of respect at the man’s ability in his father’s service and so as to not antagonize the king who could flip the allegiance of his eastern provinces on a whim, the emperor assented in the spring. The Gothic king had only just gotten word of his appointment before the Huns, having also heard the news, decided to test the strength of the Stilicho-less Western Empire with their own 10,000-strong incursion. Combining the Illyrian legions under Marcellinus with his own Visigoth army for a total strength of 20,000, Alaric marched to meet Khagan Octar near Bononia[2] on the border. Here too the Romans and their federate allies were victorious, and without even actually fighting – Octar decided the Western Romans were still too strong to contend with immediately after Stilicho’s death, and retreated both to avoid a battle he was not entirely confident of winning and to ensure no harm came to his nephew, still a hostage at Ravenna.

    The Western Empire thus bought itself a little while longer to continue recovering and rebuilding in peace, while the Huns decided to seek out easier pickings and assail the Eastern Empire starting in 426: Bleda had informed his uncles of the East’s fabulous wealth and the splendor of Constantinople after returning from Syria, and after the standoff outside Bononia Octar & Rugila decided that the half of the empire which had lost every war they fought against Stilicho would probably be easier to extort than the Occident. In that same year Bishop Augustine of Hippo, by now in his seventies, published his magnum opus: De Civitate Dei, or ‘The City of God’. Inspired by Stilicho’s stalwart defense of the Western Roman Empire from all threats – Roman and barbarian, internal and external – and the so-far quite solid reign of Eucherius, he laid out his argument that Christianity, far from bringing about an age of Roman decline as pagan critics of the post-Theodosian regime claimed it would, had instead rejuvenated the empire and made it mighty again.

    The aged bishop further asserted that the history of the world was one of eternal conflict between the ‘City of God’ – the righteous who have forsaken the luxuries of the world to instead devote all their energy to God – and the ‘City of the Devil’ – the opposite, godless hedonists who have entirely lost themselves in the fleeting pleasures which Satan provides and have no interest in divine truth. In-between was the ‘Earthly City’ or ‘City of Man’: the morally neutral authority of the state, which could be swayed in either direction. Naturally, Augustine asserted that the City of God would eventually triumph in conjunction with a strong and faithful City of Man (as demonstrated by Christian victories at the Milvian Bridge, the Frigidus and then over the pagan Priscus Attalus). Furthermore it was the duty of every Christian to ensure that not only would the City of Man be firmly allied with that of God to crush the City of the Devil while rooting out the latter’s agents (the pagans, as well as any non-Nicene barbarians and heretics), but that they put in the effort to strengthen a righteously-aligned Earthly City to accelerate the Lord’s final victory.

    These all added up to a most welcome message for both Roman imperial courts indeed, for they both absolutely wanted their subjects to pay their taxes, join their legions and not constantly rebel against their emperors. Eucherius and Theodosius II further welcomed any reinforcement of the idea that their rule and the integrity of the Roman Empire were sanctioned by God, as well.

    800px-De_Civitate_Dei_%28The_City_of_God%29_1475.jpg

    A depiction of Augustine of Hippo writing 'The City of God', a major influence on Western religious and political thought for many years to come

    Speaking of the Earthly City, Alaric (who Augustine would not have considered one of the righteous, on account of his lifelong Arianism) would not get to enjoy his office for long nor to hatch whatever conspiracies and plots he may have thought up once Eucherius named him magister militum, for he also died of old age in January of 427 – having held that honor for just below two years. His successor Theodoric petitioned Eucherius for the same office, but the Western Augustus chose the African count Boniface (with whom he had secured Hispania from Theodosian usurpers in the War of Four Emperors) instead. Theodoric did not take this slight lightly. He raised his banner in revolt almost immediately, quickly gaining control of the countryside of northeastern Illyricum and boxing Marcellinus and the loyal legions in Thessalonica & the southern parts of Diocese of Macedonia.

    By the time Eucherius & Boniface had amassed a sufficiently large suppression force in Salona and prepared to march, the Visigoths had occupied Larissa and raided as far as Thebes. And while the imperial army had soundly defeated Theodoric at Scupi[3] and Stobi[4], the Visigoths turned the tables on the emperor at Rampi[5], using the nearby lakes to bottleneck Eucherius’ legions into unfavorable terrain. Theodoric’s victory at Rampi ensured that the conflict could not be wrapped up before the end of 427, and that a military solution would be more expensive than Eucherius had initially bargained. The biggest bit of good news Eucherius received this year, therefore, was that his father's mausoleum in Mediolanum was finally complete.

    However, the Huns managed to secure a favorable settlement with the Eastern Roman court in early 428 after first pillaging the Thracian countryside and even briefly menacing Constantinople (though they lacked the siege weapons to take the Queen of Cities), as the eunuch Chrysaphius persuaded Theodosius II it would be less dangerous to just pay them off instead of trying to fight them in the field so soon after their wars with Persia and the Western Romans. While Octar and Rugila were counting their gold, emissaries from the Western imperial court arrived to ask them if they’d be willing to attack the Visigoths from the north. Since they had just won an annual tribute of 300 pounds of gold from the Eastern Romans, they instead demanded the return of their nephew Attila from Ravenna, a request which Eucherius – happy to not have to pay any price in gold or soil to the Hunnish rulers, and still blissfully unaware of the dark destiny which Attila had looming ahead of him – granted.

    To their credit, the Huns actually kept their word and directed their recently victorious warriors to flank the Visigoths instead of immediately returning over the Danube. Theodoric was not prepared for this sudden onslaught, and sued for peace after Rugila and Bleda came within sight of his capital of Serdica. Eucherius, for his part, did not want to completely destroy the Visigoths because they were a genuinely valuable source of manpower when loyal and for fear that it’d leave his border with the Eastern Romans & Huns vulnerable.

    Instead, the terms they hashed out were that: Theodoric and the Visigoths should pay restitution to any Romans who they had wounded, whose property they had damaged and/or whose kin and friends they had killed, in addition to releasing any Romans they had carried off; that on top of the financial damages, 15,000 Visigoths should be made available for corvée labor for the empire’s benefit for the next five years, followed by another 15,000 for the 5 years after the first group’s term was up; and that his eldest son and daughter, Thorismund[6] and Theodesinda[7], should be sent to Ravenna, to be raised as hostages under Eucherius’ wing. In return, while Eucherius was still not going to make him magister militum, he did assent to the betrothal of his own heir Romanus to Theodesinda, who would undergo a second baptism to become a member of the Nicene Church before the wedding and who in any case was much closer to the barely pubescent Caesar in age than Eucherius’ initial choice for a daughter-in-law, the Eastern Roman princess Licinia Eudoxia.

    k0viiTs.jpg

    After thirteen years at the Roman court, Attila the Hun is finally free as a bird and back among his people. How could this possibly backfire on the civilized world?

    The latter half of 428 and 429 passed without much incident, barring two fortunately contained incursions: one from beyond the Rhine in the early winter of 429 which was seen off by Count Arbogast and Faramund of the Salian Franks, and another by the Juthungi across the Danube in the summer of that year, which was repelled by Marcellinus and Gothic federates under Sigisvultus[8]. Eucherius now felt he had enough strength to try to reclaim Britannia, as he had been pressured to do by a growing number of Nicene Romano-British exiles to Gaul. He organized a force of three Gallic legions, backed up by another 3,000 volunteers drawn from the ranks of those exiles, and directed them to sail across the Oceanus Britannicus under the leadership of Bishop Germanus and general Sebastianus[9], the latter of whom had been recommended by his father-in-law the magister militum. The Western Roman army landed at Anderitum[10] in April of 430 and quickly forced the hugely outnumbered garrison of the fort to surrender before marching further inland.

    But Constans had not been idle over the past eight years. He too had been rebuilding his army in addition to the infrastructure (most importantly the British fabricae, which were crucial to supplying his legions without mainland help) and defenses of Roman Britannia, conscripting the slaves & coloni of Nicene and pro-Eucherius landowners in exchange for their eventual freedom in imitation of Eucherius’ recruitment tactics and having his veteran legionaries serve as drill instructors to the new recruits. Immediately after hearing of Germanus and Sebastianus’ arrival, he gathered an army of 5,000 and marched southeast from Londinium to oppose them; the Britons and Jutes were by this point engaged in full-scale warfare across the northeastern British countryside, so he knew well that neither would have bothered to answer his call to arms. The two armies met southwest of the village of Deorc[11] on May 18, with the Romano-British taking up positions on a high hill and ridge as the Western Romans emerged from the forest cover of the great Weald.

    Though Sebastianus was reluctant to give battle on such unfavorable terrain, Germanus insisted that the Western Romans push forward immediately for God and the true emperor. Thus did the slightly more numerous Western Roman force commit to a fight, attacking uphill and being pushed back several times throughout the day. After the fourth such retreat, Constans believed victory was at hand and ordered his army to pursue the Western Romans back downhill, clearly intent on sweeping them off the field altogether. At that moment Sebastianus committed his reserves to the fight, and the last phase of the battle began at the foot of the hill. This final fierce engagement could have gone either way, but it was ultimately decided when Germanus was sent into a coma by a mace to the head and borne away by his closest bodyguards, precipitating a general rout of the Western Romans. Constans would not long enjoy the victory, for he in turn received a severe stomach injury from a desperate legionary spearman while attempting to pursue his fleeing enemies.

    While the Western Romans returned to their ships and crossed back over to Gaul, Germanus never awoke from his coma and passed away on the very day that the fleet docked at Rotomagus: having fallen while battling heretics, he was swiftly commemorated as a martyr by the Nicene Christians. Constans meanwhile managed to limp back to Londinium, but his condition too had rapidly worsened on his return trip from the battlefield outside Deorc and he died on June 16 after lingering for nearly a month of increasing agony. While he still lived, the dying usurper managed to compel the magnates and southern Briton petty-kings who still answered to him to swear that they’d respect his son Ambrosius as his successor, and to create a regency council – the Consilium Britanniae, or ‘Council of Britain’ – to rule in his name while he was still young. This high council included his wife, ‘Augusta’ Artoria Casta, as well as Bishop Celestius of Londinium and representatives from Britannia’s remaining cities.

    0hJ4IkW.jpg

    The Consilium Britanniae set a tradition of meeting around a round table in the praetorium of Londinium

    Of course, when Constans actually died, virtually none of his remaining tribal vassals kept their promises. Thus, in no time at all the twelve-year-old ‘Augustus’ in Londinium and the Council which governed in his stead found even the pretense of their authority collapsing outside of the most heavily Romanized parts of Constans’ realm. Within weeks they had been left with only a further-reduced core stretching from the partially rebuilt Lindum in the north to Noviomagus Regnorum[12] in the south, and from Verulamium[13] in the west to Camulodunum in the east, as well as whatever places their more distant legions could still defend; namely two increasingly obviously indefensible exclaves around Eboracum and Deva Victrix[14] and a few other large, well-fortified towns tenuously connected by old Roman roads to the aforementioned core territories, such as Glevum[15] and Aquae Sulis[16].

    Outside of these lands, the word of Romano-British magistrates and Pelagian bishops had no bearing, as the various tribal British kings reasserted their authority and did as they pleased from Gwynedd[17] to Dyfneint[18]. Ironically because they now controlled the western coast of the isle of Britain, it was these breakaway kingdoms which bore the brunt of Irish raids, which only grew in frequency & intensity from this point onward. Patricius had made significant headway in converting not just common Irishmen but also their kings and princes to Nicene Christianity, and they saw no problem with raiding pagan and Pelagian Britain; however, out of a twisted respect for Patricius’ staunchly anti-slavery teachings, unlike the still-pagan Scotti these Christian ones took no slaves back to Ireland, instead simply killing anyone they found outside the protection of the dwindling Nicene clergy on Britain. This was for example the fate meted out to Deva Victrix, which was sacked by Nicene Scotti raiders just before the end of 430 and whose ruins fell under the authority of the nearby King of Powys afterwards.

    Further north, after years of fighting and raiding the Britons and Jutes held a peace conference at Cair Daun[19] in December of 430, only for it to end in disaster when Hengist and his men murdered Coel and over a dozen other great chieftains of the northern Britons over dinner with seax daggers hidden in their shoes and successfully seized the fort amid a winter storm. The very next morning however, Coel’s many outraged sons avenged this ‘Night of Long Knives’ in turn by storming Cair Daun before Hengist could summon enough reinforcements to make his position unassailable, retaking the fortress and hanging the Jutish king’s corpse from its highest tower. Fortunately for Hengist’s own son Oisc, those very same sons of Coel soon quarreled over the division of their inheritance while tribes not led by Coelings refused to recognize their leadership: so did northern Britain dissolve into a patchwork of even smaller and weaker tribal kingdoms before any of them could finish the Jutes off, allowing his fiefdom between Eboracum and the River Lindis to continue surviving.

    oUd9V9i.jpg

    Coel of the Brigantes finding out firsthand why Jutes make for poor neighbors, and worse dinner guests

    Through all this, Eucherius had been disheartened by the defeat of Sebastianus and Germanus, but believed that Britannia slipping into anarchy would make it easy for another Western Roman army to continue where they failed and retake the isle. Any plan he had for the reconquest of Britannia had to be suspended, however, when Attaces and Rechila led their people into rebellion in Africa, having convinced some of the local Berber tribes to ally with them against Rome than to continue fighting each other to serve Roman interests. Only the Silingi Vandals, now ruled by Fredebal’s son Fredegar, remained loyal to the imperial court and provided advance warning of the uprising, whether motivated by their kinsman Stilicho’s example or simple fear of Eucherius’ remaining power; but they could not possibly defeat the rebels on their own and were indeed soon forced away from their settlements in the Aures Mountains by the Alans & Suebi. In turn, Eucherius and Boniface had to spend the last months of 430 organizing their forces to crack down on these rebels – who were steadily spilling northward, toward Carthage and the rest of the African coast – instead of following up on the matter of Britain.

    Off to the east, the Sassanids had troubles on their Central Asian frontier to worry about. The Kidarites, a powerful Bactrian nomad empire often mistaken for Huns, had long demanded tribute from Persia in exchange for not attacking them, and Yazdgerd I had obliged for decades. In a further break from his father’s policy, Bahram – already emboldened by his victory over the Eastern Romans, marred though it may have been by the death of his marshal Kardar – defiantly proclaimed that the Kidarites would not get a single speck of gold dust from him and marched to attack these nomads.

    The outraged Kidarites struck first, crossing the Oxus River with 35,000 warriors in 427 and pillaging as far as Merv. There Bahram met them with his larger army of 45,000 and scored a decisive victory: his elephant corps swept away their numerous cavalry and even killed their Šao[20], whose wife he also captured while ransacking their camp. The Kidarites hastily fled back over the Oxus, while the victorious Shahanshah built a column on the banks of the Oxus to commemorate his victory. Since they continued to raid Khorasan however, Bahram ended up invading their Transoxianan homeland in 429 and his generals spent the next year devastating it, crushing the Kidarites to a point where they could no longer threaten Sassanid Persia any longer. However, by weakening the Kidarites so greatly Bahram also unintentionally rendered them unable to resist the growing incursions of an even larger and more powerful horde to their north, the Hephthalites[21]…

    KKNvoqh.jpg

    Once more, the Sassanids' war elephants prove indispensable to fighting a cavalry-heavy enemy force

    While the Roman world settled back down into a familiar routine of barbarian incursions and internal uprisings, far to the east another major conflict was brewing. Emperor Wen of Liu Song, whose father had toppled the long-declining Eastern Jin at the beginning of the decade, had proven himself to be a highly capable and frugal administrator; however, as of 430 he began to set his sights on expanding his borders, and reuniting China beneath his banner if the opportunity arose. Striking an alliance with the Xiongnu-founded state of Helian Xia, he marched to attack Northern Wei – the rival dynasty of Sinicized Xianbei which dominated northern China – and did so successfully. Song forces retook the cities of Luoyang, Hulao, Huatai[22] and Qiao’ao[23].

    Although Emperor Wen’s first instinct was to cautiously hold back and fortify the positions he held on the Yellow River, he was eventually persuaded by his bolder generals Zhu Xiuzhi & Mao Dezu – as well as the apparent lack of Northern Wei resistance – to push further north[24]. Liu Song and Helian Xia effectively coordinated their troop movements against Northern Wei throughout the entire year, so much so that by autumn they were laying siege to the Wei capital of Pingcheng[25]. Noticing the success of the allies, both of Northern Wei’s remaining regional rivals – Northern Yan to the northeast, and the Mongolic Rouran Khaganate to the west – decided this was the moment to pounce and carve out their own slices of the Xianbei pie, as well.

    Now Emperor Taiwu of Northern Wei was a capable ruler in his own right who had beaten back the Rouran at the start of his reign, but he was not such a genius that he could deal with a simultaneous four-pronged assault on every one of his borders; so when the year ended so did his realm, partitioned between its many enemies. Liu Song had seized the lion’s share of Northern Wei’s territory and was thus the big winner of the war, though they had had to cede Pingcheng itself to Helian Xia. Of course, without a common enemy in Northern Wei, the alliance between their kingdoms broke down almost immediately - but that suited Wen just fine, because Helian Xia was now the next immediate obstacle standing in the way of him reunifying China.

    800px-Paintings_on_north_wall_of_Xu_Xianxiu_Tomb.jpg

    Emperor Wen of Liu Song certainly got to end the decade on a high note

    ====================================================================================

    [1] First recorded king of the Salian Franks, grandfather of Merovech and thus great-grandfather of the famous Clovis.

    [2] Banoštor.

    [3] Skopje.

    [4] Near Gradsko.

    [5] Laimos.

    [6] Thorismund was Theodoric’s heir, historically fighting with him at the Catalaunian Plains and succeeding him on the battlefield after his death at the hands of the Huns & Ostrogoths. However, the new king was assassinated and usurped by his younger brother Theodoric II only two years later.

    [7] Theodoric had at least one daughter who was historically wedded to Huneric, the son and successor of the Vandal king Gaiseric. However, Huneric later decided he wanted to marry Valentinian III’s daughter Eudocia instead, so he falsely accused this Visigoth princess of conspiring to kill him, mutilated her and sent her back to her outraged father in 444. Her name wasn’t recorded in the pages of history, so for this TL I’ve named her ‘Theodesinda’.

    [8] Sigisvultus was an Arian Visigoth general in Western Roman service who historically fought Boniface in 427, seizing Hippo Regius & Carthage and directing an Arian bishop named Maximinus to debate Augustine of Hippo. He eventually attained consular and patrician honors in the 430s and 440s.

    [9] This Sebastianus was indeed the son-in-law of Boniface of Africa. Historically he briefly served as the Western magister militum after Boniface defeated Aetius at the cost of a mortal injury in 432, but was overthrown and exiled to Constantinople when Aetius returned at the head of a Hunnish horde. He later joined the Vandal court to avoid falling to the typical Byzantine intrigues, but was executed by King Gaiseric there around 440.

    [10] Pevensey.

    [11] Dorking. Specifically, the battle is being fought on and around Leith Hill, the summit of the Weald’s Greensand Ridge.

    [12] Chichester.

    [13] St Albans.

    [14] Chester.

    [15] Gloucester.

    [16] Bath.

    [17] Northwestern Wales.

    [18] Dumnonia – modern Devon, plus eastern Cornwall & western Somerset.

    [19] Doncaster.

    [20] The Bactrian title for ‘king’.

    [21] The Hephthalites, also known as the Eftals or White Huns, were a mixed confederation of Sogdian, Turkic and possibly proto-Mongolic tribes who historically lived in northern Transoxiana and the Tarim Basin. Despite the ‘White Hun’ name, they may not have been related to the Huns at all, unless one were to accept the theory that some elements of their horde were Xiongnu remnants separated from their kin and forced south of the Altai Mountains after the Han’s final victory over the latter. Historically, they replaced the Kidarites in the mid-5th century and terrorized the Persians & Indians for a good hundred years after that before eventually being crushed between the former and the Gokturks.

    [22] Anyang.

    [23] Liaocheng.

    [24] Historically Liu Song made good progress against Northern Wei in this war, but Emperor Wen did not press his advantage and just camped on the Yellow River while Emperor Taiwu of Northern Wei rallied and crushed Helian Xia, after which he retook all the lost ground and went on to unify northern China.

    [25] Datong.
     
    431-434: Gathering stormclouds
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    As soon as spring began, Eucherius and Boniface set sail from Italy with 12 legions – a total of about 13,000 men – and collected more African reinforcements with which to face the Alans and Suebi over April & May. By the end of the latter month, though the barbarians had taken control of much of the African hinterland, Eucherius was moving to confront them with nearly 30,000 men, including 9,000 loyal Vandals under Fredegar. For their part, Attaces and Rechila had expanded their alliance with the inland Berber tribes in the same timeframe, swaying to their side all but one of the great Moorish chieftains: the King of Altava[1], known to the Romans by his Christian name Caecilius[2], remained loyal to his imperial suzerain and kept the coast of Mauretania Caesariensis safe against his rebellious cousins. Efforts by the rebels to ally with the Donatists failed due to their mutual inability to compromise over religious matters, with the underground Donatist leadership in particular considering the Arian and pagan barbarians to be no better than their Nicene oppressors.

    Lead elements of the Western Roman and Alano-Suevic armies first clashed at the town of Tricamarum, some 30 miles southwest of Carthage. Here the Western Romans (led by Fredegar and Sebastianus, who was hoping to redeem himself after the failed British expedition the year before) were victorious, their own heavy cavalry and Gothic and Silingi Vandal federates overpowering those of the Alans in a short but ferocious horseback clash. Following the Battle of Tricamarum, the rebel leadership was divided on what to do next: Attaces was reluctant to risk further field engagements against the overpowering bulk of the Roman army and advocated attempting a guerrilla war against Eucherius as rebellious Berbers and Donatists had in the past, but Rechila considered a strategy of retreating into the mountains or dispersing into the countryside to be both dishonorable and counterproductive – it would make it impossible for them to quickly achieve their objective of ousting the Romans from Africa quickly, and expose their own forces to defeat in detail. In the end the latter carried the day, having also argued that the hostile Donatists were unlikely to share their turf in the countryside with their armies anyway, and so the rebels massed for a major confrontation outside Zica[3] by the Dorsale Mountains.

    Eucherius was happy to oblige, considering a pitched battle to be both where his heavier troops would excel and a prime opportunity to finish the rebellion in a single stroke. In any case the rebels’ occupation of Zica also put them in position to exert control over the source of Carthage’s aqueduct, so as Boniface claimed, arguably he had no choice but to attack them even if he hadn’t wanted to, so as to prevent the diocesan capital from dying of thirst. When the emperor arrived he found that although Attaces and Rechila’s army was smaller than his at about 20,000 men, they held the terrain advantage, having occupied a ridge directly in front of the town of Zica and set up their headquarters within the town itself. It was also June 12, a blazing hot summer day, which further disfavored the more heavily-armored Romans.

    Undaunted, the Augustus organized his legions into offensive wedges while directing his federates to assault the rebel lines first. This they did, but their barbaric fury floundered against the heights and the defensive works which Attaces and Rechila had thrown up in the days leading up to the battle. At one point the Fredegar came across Rechila himself, and while the Vandal king was a younger and more energetic man, he was still defeated by his more experienced Suebi counterpart and forced to flee for his life; the rest of the Vandals soon followed, to the amusement of the Suebi king who then ordered his men to chase them with him. Little did he know that events were proceeding according to Eucherius and Boniface’s strategy, though a little more quickly than they had thought: they sought to pull the rebels off their ridge with a feint and then to crush them on the low ground, though Fredegar had retreated more quickly than they anticipated and for real. Boniface led the best-prepared of the Western legions into action while the emperor got the rest into formation.

    The resulting clash on the low ground went largely the Western Romans’ way, as despite the heat, they were still well-rested and hydrated while the Suebi were already worn out from the earlier battle on the ridge and pursuit, exposed on the lowland, and completely out of formation themselves. Furthermore Fredegar had regained his courage and rallied the Silingi Vandals, after which they threw themselves into the increasingly dismayed Suebi’s ranks and completed their encirclement on the flats before Zica. The Suebi might have had a chance to at least turn the battle into a draw if Attaces had committed to the attack early on, but past defeats had made the aged Alan king – once eager to rush headlong into battle over the Rhine, when his Hasding Vandal allies had already been defeated – indecisive and overcautious, and he held his men back out of fear of the Roman trap which now enclosed fully around the Suebi. By the time Attaces changed his mind and sprang a massive downhill rush of Alan and Berber cavalry, Rechila was already dead, though the mighty Suevic warrior had died in a manner worthy of being sung about by Germanic bards for years to come: he had first slain Sebastianus with a throwing ax, and upon trying and failing to approach Boniface himself, fended off half a dozen legionaries in his berserk rage before finally being brought down by a spear to the back of his head.

    PDuL7EA.jpg

    Rechila broke with ancient Germanic berserkers' tradition of going into battle bare-chested, greatly enhancing his durability and battle-rage with ringmail & a helmet under his bear pelt, but neither these nor the blessing of Tyr proved enough at Zica

    Despite Sebastianus’ death, the fall of Rechila and the destruction of the Suebi contingent had decisively turned the tide of battle in Rome’s favor, and Eucherius was determined to see it through to the end. The emperor ordered a countercharge against Attaces’ men on the foot of the Zica ridge and the Alan king sought him out for a bout of single combat, knowing that the odds of conventionally defeating the Western army at this point were slim, but an officer of the Scholae named Domninus[4] stepped in first – slaying the latter’s horse with his lance when they charged at each other, and then finishing off the barbarian warlord with his sword afterward. The Berbers quit the field soon after, while most of the Alans (particularly their fiercest and most hardened troops) fought on vainly to try to avenge their king, in so doing demonstrating more valor than he did in the eyes of the Romans and Vandals both, and take as many Romans to the grave with them. They were finally entirely destroyed at dusk.

    The sanguinary battle had left 5,000 Romans and federates dead alongside 12,000 of the rebels, definitely hurting the former but shattering the power of the African Alans and Suebi forever; the remnants of their warriors and peoples bent the knee and were subsumed by the loyal Vandals in the following months and years. Fredegar took Rechila’s daughter as his wife to secure his status as king of not only the Vandals but also Alans and Suebi, which Eucherius allowed both as a reward for his loyalty and a recognition of the new political reality among the African barbarians. As for Domninus, for presenting the Alan king’s head the emperor rewarded him with promotion to the ranks of the candidati, the white-garbed imperial bodyguards and by admitting his eleven-year-old son Majorian[5] into the imperial household, where the energetic boy quickly befriended the slightly older and more laid-back Caesar Romanus. Eucherius himself would have little rest however, for the corpses of Attaces and Rechila had barely cooled when he received news of another uprising to deal with in Spain under a local named Maximus – quickly denounced as Maximus ‘Tyrannus’, or Maximus the Tyrant, both for his treason and open Priscillianist sympathies[6].

    Speaking of heresies like Priscillianism, 431 also brought another major Christian theological dispute to shake the entire Roman world. The longstanding dispute over how many natures Christ had and what the relationship between his divine and human natures, if any, might have been once more exploded toward the middle of the year, as Patriarchs Nestorius of Constantinople and Cyril of Alexandria openly challenged one another over this Christological controversy. Fundamentally, Nestorius’ position was that Jesus’ divine and human natures were separate because an eternal and immortal God could not have ever been born like a mortal, adding that Mary should not have the title Theotokos or ‘God-bearer’ as a result; Cyril argued for the opposite position, that Jesus’ two natures were one in a hypostatic union, therefore that God the Son was consubstantial with God the Father, and thus Nestorius was a pseudo-adoptionist for essentially claiming that the man Jesus is God only because of divine grace – an adoption of sorts – and not birth. The conflict between the two patriarchs, much like the question it was trying to answer, also had a dual nature; the obvious religious one, and a political rivalry between Constantinople and Alexandria coupled with that of Nestorius’ theological Antiochene School against Cyril’s Alexandrian one.

    As tensions flared within the clergy and general populace of Constantinople, Emperor Theodosius called for a church council in Ephesus to resolve this dispute. Some 250 bishops were in attendance, including a Papal delegation representing the interests of the Roman See and Eucherius. The latter supported Cyril’s arguments, for Pope Celestine firmly shared the Alexandrian Patriarch’s belief that Nestorius’ position had crossed the line into heresy. Theodosius and his representative at the ecumenical council, an officer named Candidianus, were initially sympathetic to Nestorius; but when the assembled clergy ultimately took Cyril’s side, so did they. Nestorius was condemned as a heretic and he was furthermore deposed from the Patriarchate of Constantinople, while the old denunciations of Pelagian teachings and their figurehead Celestius of Britain were reaffirmed. The council also denounced all deviations from the Nicene Creed established in 325 and recognized the Cypriot Church’s autocephaly, weakening the Patriarchate of Antioch which had claimed authority over Cyprus – and, of course, had mentored Nestorius in the first place.

    N68TXf8.jpg

    Cyril of Alexandria stands to denounce Patriarch Nestorius of Constantinople as a heretic

    Since Nestorius refused to recant his position after both Theodosius and Eucherius endorsed that of Cyril, he ended up being banished to remote monasteries in Syria and later Egypt – replaced in his clerical office by the orthodox Maximianus – while Patriarch John of Antioch was compelled by imperial authority to drop his support for the fallen Patriarch of Constantinople. Politically, the 431 Council of Ephesus reinforced the dyophysitic orthodoxy (that is, the position that Jesus’ divinity and humanity are in perfect unity within his person) of the Christian Church and the ties binding said Church to the Roman state, as demonstrated not only by the downfall of Nestorius for persisting in his heresy after the Emperor recognized it as such but also the redoubled condemnation of the Pelagian Celestius & all who followed him – meaning of course the Romano-British rebels still outside Roman authority. The Church in Persia however continued to advocate for Nestorianism, not only out of genuine conviction but also because they were being pressured by the fiercely anti-Roman Shah Bahram to differentiate themselves from Roman Christianity as much as possible, and openly entered schism with the orthodox Roman Church[7].

    Come 432, Eucherius set out to deal with Maximus Tyrannus. He allowed the Silingi Vandals to leave his side and consolidate their control over the other African barbarians’ territories, picking up Caecilius and the loyal Moors of Altava along the way to compensate. The rebels had actually taken Abula over the winter, unlike Didymus and Felix before them, and installed their own Priscillianist bishop there; however Eucherius smashed them in a battle outside a ruined shrine to Jupiter on the banks of the Tagus[8], his heavily-armored legionaries carving a bloody swath through their attempted defense on the crossing, and retook Abula before the year was half-done, in the process restoring the city’s orthodox bishop after driving out the Priscillianist interloper. Maximus Tyrannus himself survived these defeats and retreated into Gallaecia where he continued to mount an insurgency against the emperor with the support of the local Callaeci tribes, forcing Eucherius to stay in Spain for another year. Only after the capture and execution of the Spanish usurper following the Battle of Legio[9] in the next spring would this part of the Western Empire know peace again.

    While Eucherius was battling Maximus Tyrannus, far to the north the Ripuarian Franks were once more causing trouble on the Rhenish frontier, and Faramund’s successor as ruler over their Salian cousins, King Chlodio[10], took the chance to try to break away from Roman imperial authority. Aetius ordered Arbogast to hold the Ripuarians off while he and Aegidius dealt with Chlodio, which they did at the victorious Battle of Triectensis[11] on July 24, 432. After receiving Chlodio’s submission, they hurried to aid Arbogast against the Ripuarians, crushing the latter before the walls of Augusta Treverorum a few weeks later together with his sallying army. Once more, Rome’s northern frontier was secure – for a little while, at least.

    0zq8OMl.jpg

    The Franks tend to their wounded after being defeated by Aetius at Triectensis

    Over in the British Isles, Patricius was rewarded for his missionary efforts by being promoted to bishop in 432; he was not the first Irish bishop – that honor went to Palladius, a Gallo-Roman cleric sent to the Emerald Isle the year before – but he was by far the more influential, with an especially strong following in the north of the island while Palladius entrenched himself in Leinster. Meanwhile the Frisians too began to raid Britain, and unlike the Irish, they were in position to harry the Romano-British on the eastern coast of Britannia. For now, their first expedition was seen off by the aged general Iustinianus in two small battles around Anderitum and Portus Dubris, with the fourteen-year-old rebel ‘Augustus’ Ambrosius present and in observance.

    On the other end of the Eurasian landmass, Emperor Wen of Liu Song went to war with his former ally Helian Xia, initiating hostilities by using his realm’s far greater wealth to bribe the defenders of Pingcheng into going over to his side. The more numerous armies of Liu Song overcame those of Helian Xia time and again, capturing their capital of Shanggui[12] early in 433. Helian Ding, the ‘emperor’ of Xia, submitted to Liu Song authority and effectively became a protectorate of theirs soon after this final defeat, allowing Wen and his generals to focus on eliminating the even weaker state of Northern Yan.

    The dawn of 434 brought with it a sea-change in European politics in the form of Rugila’s death. Octar, his brother and co-khagan, predeceased him as had their other brother Mundzuk, leaving him sole ruler of the Huns for a few short years; now Mundzuk’s sons, Bleda and Attila, ascended to become joint khagans like he and Octar were before them. Bleda had cultivated an odd friendship with Aetius over their battles against various Western usurpers and the Burgundians, not dissimilar to Alaric and Stilicho before them, and was also content to sit on the tribute he was collecting from the East – but Attila was a much more aggressive and dynamic leader, one said to worship and sacrifice to the dark god Erlik[13] (which essentially made him a Satanist in Romans' eyes when they applied interpretatio Christiana to Hunnish Tengrism), and set on waging wars of conquest against the civilized world. Later chroniclers would write of Attila’s assumption of power even being heralded by a brief eclipse, murders of crows going berserk around the world, a snake being born of an ass near Jerusalem and Pope Sixtus coming down with an illness, although these are almost (or actually) certainly embellishments of a historical figure whose future deeds would ensure he did not need it.

    The brothers began their joint reign by demanding the flow of tribute from Constantinople continue, as well as the return of several prominent nobles who had supported rival candidates for the khaganate and fled to the Eastern Roman court to avoid their vengeance. This Theodosius was prepared to grant, but Chrysaphius once more whispered in his ear and advised him to actually double said tribute to 600 pounds of gold in exchange for the Huns once more fighting with them against the Sassanids. Bleda cheerfully took up the offer over Attila’s objections that they should enter Roman territory as conquerors, not mercenaries, and asserting his primacy as the senior khagan, he joined the Eastern Roman army with 25,000 Hunnish warriors[14].

    gjo5NAp.jpg

    Attila and Bleda on one of the rare occasions where they got along, in this case a hunt on the Pannonian plain, along with some unfortunate Herul or Gepid slave who's probably hoping he doesn't become a sacrifice to Erlik later on

    Emboldened, Theodosius now declared war on Persia and sent Bleda & the rest of his armies out to retake the territory he had lost a decade before, while a frustrated Attila was left back home with the lesser part of the Huns’ strength. Though his initial plan of immediately attacking the Western Empire which had humiliated his people and killed his granduncle had been derailed by his brother’s willingness to be a sellsword for the Eastern Romans, he hatched a new one to weaken the Western Romans ahead of his next opportunity to assail them. Instead of facing Eucherius, Boniface, Aetius and the rest of the West’s generals head-on, he began to expand the reach of the Huns westward, attacking and terrorizing various Germanic tribes with the intent of either subjugating them under Hunnish authority or driving them into Western Roman territory; no matter which outcome transpired, he would come out firmly on top. He'd learned well from the Romans' use of barbarians against their enemies indeed!

    This strategy worked well, for by the end of the year the entirety of the Limes Germanicus was ablaze from Colonia Agrippina to Castra Regina[15]. While some of the Alamanni, Suebi, Juthungi, Thuringii, Rugii and Scirii had bent the knee to Attila, other elements of these tribes were viciously struggling to migrate into Western Roman territory ahead of his raiders and warriors. This onslaught left the Western Empire and its various foederati hard-pressed throughout the entire year: Aetius had to dedicate all of his resources and martial prowess to hold the Rhine frontier with Aegidius, Arbogast and the chastised Chlodio, while Eucherius had to postpone his son’s wedding to Theodesinda so he could instead defend the Alpine passes and the Upper Danube with Boniface and the Burgundians well into the winter.

    And through it all, Attila watched, pleased as the Western Romans expended their carefully rebuilt strength and pulled legions from the Illyrian frontier to reinforce the others, while he was massing his own horde along that very same border...

    ====================================================================================

    [1] Ouled Mimoun.

    [2] Historically, a Mauro-Roman kingdom emerged with its capital at Altava around 429 thanks to the Vandal invasion causing the collapse of Roman authority across Africa. It included both Berber and Roman subjects, who most likely spoke African Romance in addition to the native Berber languages, and its monarchs styled themselves ‘Kings of the Roman and Moorish Peoples’ (Rex gentium Maurorum et Romanorum). The names of its first few kings have been lost to history, so I’ve named this loyal vassal king Caecilius after a famous Christian Romano-Berber leader in the 7th century.

    [3] Zaghouan.

    [4] The father of Majorian.

    [5] The historical Western Roman Emperor from 457 to 461, Majorian was an extremely competent commander and administrator – indeed, perhaps the ablest and most energetic of the post-Theodosian emperors of the 5th century – and managed to reverse many of its territorial losses in the course of his four-year reign. Him being betrayed and tortured to death by Ricimer almost completely sealed the fate of the WRE, as his reign was that empire’s penultimate chance to turn its deteriorating situation around (the absolute last chance being Anthemius’ failed invasion of Africa with the ERE a few years later).

    [6] There was in fact a ‘Maximus Tyrannus’ who rebelled in Spain historically, though he was a completely different person (and possibly a relative or even son of fellow rebel Gerontius) who did so in 409 as part of the chaos that followed Stilicho’s death and did not seem to be a Priscillianist. I didn’t intend for this Maximus Tyrannus to be the same person, though he does share the cool name.

    [7] All of this has unfolded pretty much exactly as the historical 431 Council of Ephesus did, with the exception of Eucherius being Western Emperor & Celestius and Pelagianism being stronger than they were when the RL Council denounced them.

    [8] Referring to Aranjuez, which may have been originally called ‘Ara Jovis’.

    [9] León.

    [10] Son of Faramund and father of Merovech.

    [11] Maastricht.

    [12] Tianshui.

    [13] The god of darkness, death and sin in Turco-Mongol mythology, said to have been the son of the supreme sky-god Tengri and rebel against his benevolent brother Ulgan. Believers make sacrifices to him to keep him from sending sickness and death upon them, or else to ensure that he does not torment them when they have to pass on to the underworld which he rules.

    [14] Historically, the Huns actually did attack Persia instead of either Rome in the earliest years of Bleda & Attila’s kingship, although they did so independently rather than as part of the ERE’s forces and were eventually defeated in Armenia.

    [15] Regensburg.
     
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    435-439: Is any Hun their brother's keeper?
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    At first, the year 435 seemed like it could be a better one for Eucherius and his empire than 434 had been. On January 19 he overcame harsh winter conditions to lead his legions to a major victory over the Juthungi at Mediana[1], where his son Romanus proved his mettle by leading an infantry shield-wall to pin the barbarians down while the rest of the Italic and Rhaetian legions descended on their flanks, finally putting an end to their incursions for the foreseeable future. Having won himself a respite from constant battles on the frontier, he was able to host the wedding of Romanus and Theodesinda in Rome (as well as Theodesinda’s much-publicized conversion to Nicene orthodoxy just before) as spring began, hopefully binding the Visigoths ever more closely to his dynasty and the Western Roman cause.

    Then, just days after the wedding, he received news that his mother Serena had died in her sleep at the age of seventy-two. And while the emperor was still trying to process that personal tragedy, he further received reports that Attila had invaded Illyricum with 15,000 men, savagely sacking Aquincum[2] and Sopianae[3] among other major towns as they devastated Pannonia before moving on to Dalmatia. Meanwhile Marcellinus, left with far too few troops to oppose the Huns, had retreated to Sirmium, though he still dared venture forth with his cavalry from time to time in attempts to mitigate the Huns’ pillaging. At the same time, where the Juthungi had failed the Rugians were now trying their luck, marching a horde headed by some 20,000 warriors into Rhaetia.

    Though he had barely even gotten to start mourning his mother’s death, Eucherius resolved to stop the Rugians while dispatching Boniface and Theodoric to stop Attila’s rampage. He left Romanus in Ravenna not just to enjoy the affections of his new Gothic wife (who would give birth to their first child, christened Honorius with hopes that he’d redeem that name by ruling more wisely than the last man to have it, in December of this year), but also to acquire practical experience in governance under the eye of the treasurer Joannes, while taking his seventeen-year-old second son Theodosius along to replace the latter’s elder brother on the battlefield. Boniface in turn moved to amass troops at Aquileia, while Theodoric hastily boarded a ship bound for Thessalonica to gather his own Visigoth warriors with plans to then march to Sirmium and link up with Marcellinus’ Dalmatian legions. Their overall strategy was to coordinate their army movements to trap Attila in Dalmatia between them, and hopefully eliminate him in or around the Dinaric Alps.

    Unfortunately for the Western Romans, things did not go according to plan. Attila’s far-ranging scouts quickly reported the magister militum’s growing army around Aquileia and the march of the Visigoths to Sirmium to him, and the junior khagan deduced what the enemy was planning shortly before Theodoric joined Marcellinus. Instead of sitting around to allow the Romans to consolidate their strength against him, he rode to attack them while they were still separated, starting with Boniface shortly after the latter began moving eastward.

    Attila caught Boniface on April 28 while the latter was still crossing the Savus at Siscia[4] and fell upon him there, leading the first charge of his heavy cavalry with his ‘Sword of Mars’[5] held aloft in such a way that it seemed afire within the Sun’s light; but the magister militum was a capable and experienced soldier, and despite sustaining heavy losses from Attila’s first devastating charge into the ranks of the men who hadn’t crossed the Savus yet, used the river crossing itself to blunt the effect of the Hunnic assaults while withholding his remaining legionaries from any reckless pursuit. The day was not decided until a 2,000-strong detachment of Hunnish cavalry, who Attila had sent to cross further upriver and circle round the enemy legions in anticipation of their fierce resistance, emerged to cave in Boniface’s flank and rear. The Western Romans were then routed and Attila pursued them for some time even after night fell, in the process killing Boniface; by the time the Huns broke off their pursuit, out of Boniface’s 10,000 men fewer than half had survived to meet Theodoric and Marcellinus’ host at Marsonia[6].

    BfBJ4n5.jpg

    An Ostrogoth auxiliary in the Huns' service finishes off a dying legionary of Boniface's army

    Attila next moved to engage this second army, meeting them at Incerum[7] later in the summer. Confident in the larger numbers of the Western Roman army, Theodoric massed the bulk of his forces into a massive offensive column spearheaded by his own noble cavalry, intent on scattering the Hunnish army in one ferocious charge. He got his wish, and then some – Attila’s cavalry did indeed seemingly split apart beneath the weight of his assault, but the Hun infantry (actually comprised of the khagan’s subject peoples, including some of the Visigoths’ own Ostrogoth cousins) put up a stronger fight than Theodoric anticipated. Even so, the Romans and Visigoths would probably have prevailed had Attila not reformed his horsemen to attack their flanks and nearly encircle them, forcing Marcellinus to intervene with the reserve to save Theodoric. Eventually the main body of the Western Roman army was able to extract itself from Attila’s trap, but they left the field in the Huns’ possession. Once more Attila had bested the Western Roman Empire.

    But as summer drew to an end, it became apparent that Eucherius himself was prepared to put a stop to the Huns’ ravages. While Attila was thrashing his generals he was busy grinding the Rugian invasion to a halt, eventually dealing them a decisive defeat between the forts of Parrodunum[8] and Venaxodurum[9]. As news of Boniface’s death and the defeat of the combined armies of Theodoric & Marcellinus trickled into his camp, the alarmed emperor concluded a peace treaty with the young Rugian king Flaccitheus[10] to allow his people to settle in Rhaetia as foederati. Having added those Rugian warriors he hadn’t killed yet to his army, Eucherius next named Aetius to succeed Boniface as magister militum of the West (and also promoted Aegidius to Aetius’ old post as commander of the Gallic legions at the latter’s recommendation) even as he hurried eastward to face Attila before the latter could expand his rampage past Illyricum.

    When his scouts reported in, Attila was frustrated to learn of the considerable strength of Eucherius’ army, which included sizable Burgundian and Rugian contingents in addition to many Italian and Dalmatian legions. Numbering at about 24,000 men, this new Western Roman host outnumbered the troops he still had after the earlier battles at Siscia and Incerum by almost 3:1. Regardless, he decided to engage in an attempt to preserve his conquests and to determine the full extent of the Western Emperor’s strengths & weaknesses, meeting the advancing army as it tried to cross the Colapis[11].

    If the khagan was expecting a rerun of the Battle of Siscia however, it was his turn to be disappointed. Eucherius’ most elite legionaries, including Theodosius and backed by the champions of the Burgundian and Rugian peoples, spearheaded his attempt to cross the river and crunched through even the best of Attila’s own men, who simply lacked the numbers to hold both their weight and that of the less experienced Western Roman troops marching pushing them forward at the fords, while the emperor himself personally commanded the cavalry to keep any errant Hun horsemen from crossing onto the Roman side of the river and replaying Boniface’s defeat. As the sun set and Western Roman troops took control of both banks of the Colapis, Attila had to admit defeat and fall back: to cover his army’s retreat he personally led his all-mounted reserve against the Western Romans, reportedly fighting like a man possessed and successfully thwarting Eucherius’ pursuit as night fell. Theodoric and Marcellinus were further encouraged by news of their overlord’s victory and also moved on the offensive again, and so by the end of 435 Attila had been forced out of Dalmatia – though he still held the Pannonian provinces he had conquered in his initial onslaught.

    yVBHlv4.jpg

    The Western Romans avenged their earlier defeats in 435 by running Attila off the field at the Colapis

    Far to the east, Bleda was having a similar rash of early successes in Syria and Mesopotamia. Together with armies under Procopius, Aspar and al-Nu’man IV[12] he smashed the Persians at Samosata[13], Zeugma and finally Carrhae[14], steadily pushing the Persians out of the Eastern Roman territories they had previously conquered all throughout the year. At each of these battles, Bleda’s Huns once more proved indispensable in helping their Roman allies fend off the Persians’ own cavalry, while the aged Procopius effectively countered the Sassanid war elephants with carroballistae[15] previously put together in Antioch specifically for this purpose. The Sassanids and their Lakhmid allies had rallied under the latter’s ruler al-Mundhir to finally stop their advance at Callinicum, where the Lakhmids’ camels frightened even the horses of the Huns, but by then it was September and the rising power of the Hephthalites, who had crushed and absorbed what Shah Bahram had left of the Kidarites in previous years, had taken the opportunity to assail the distracted Sassanid Empire’s northeastern border.

    As these Eftals were pouring over the Oxus in far greater numbers and with far more ferocity than the Kidarites ever mustered, in the process destroying the monument Bahram had erected there to commemorate his victory over the Kidarites, the Shah hastily concluded a peace treaty with Theodosius to restore the pre-422 borders between their empires so he could focus on countering this new nomadic threat to Khorasan. Even so however, the Hephthalites proved to be a larger threat than the bloodied Sassanid armies could handle: they crushed the Persians’ largest eastern army at Amol early in the war, laid waste to the Khorasani countryside, smashed a second army sent from the Mesopotamian front just east of Merv in August and ended the year by beginning to lay siege to Bactra[16], having forcibly conscripted no small number of Persian engineers and builders to construct siege weapons & works for them under the threat of a torturous death for themselves and their families. In any case, with this latest Roman-Persian war over Bleda began to make his way home, laden with his hefty salary from Constantinople and plunder from the Persian cities now being returned to the Eastern Romans but vexed at the news that his little brother had started a war with the Western Empire without his knowledge.

    Meanwhile, Ambrosius of Britain had by now attained his majority and was prepared to rule with his Consilium. He immediately proved his worth as a monarch by going to war against the Atrebates and Belgae (two closely related and certainly allied tribes) to the southwest: despite his inexperience, he was able to secure victory thanks to the disciplined & well-equipped army (particularly its cavalry wings, which the enemy tribe lacked) in a battle north of the Atrebatian capital at Calleva[17], capturing that tribe’s king and killing the ruler of the Belgae. As he received both tribes’ submission soon after, he reestablished Romano-British authority as far as Venta Belgarum[18] and Portus Adurni. This done, Ambrosius went on to spend the spend the next few years consolidating his gains and fending off Briton, Jute and Frisian raids along his borders & coasts.

    VAL0CI4.jpg

    Young Ambrosius finally restoring some Roman law & order to the southern British countryside after years of reverses

    436 brought some relief to the Western Romans, for Bleda finished his return trip from the Orient early in the year. Far from aiding Attila as the latter requested, he denounced his younger brother as a fool for attacking the Western Romans and immediately opened negotiations with Ravenna. Aetius seized the chance to help negotiate a favorable peace, in which the Huns would immediately depart from their remaining conquests in Roman Pannonia and also return the goods & captives they had taken in the previous year’s campaign. These terms naturally enraged Attila, who physically brawled with Bleda when his brother informed him ahead of the actual talks with Eucherius & Aetius; but, as his army had taken a beating at Eucherius’ hands and Bleda’s was still comparatively stronger, he ultimately had to take the humiliating blow on the chin and bottle up his increasingly fratricidal thoughts for now. The Western Romans were able to begin rebuilding and fortifying western Illyricum, while the Limes Germanicus also stabilized as northwest-ward Hunnish attacks also came to a stop with Bleda’s return.

    The younger Hunnish king found a ready outlet for and ally to support his vengeful thoughts in the Eastern imperial court. Theodosius II’s first victory in many years had left him wanting more, while Chrysaphius – ever the champion of anti-Western Roman foreign policy – had so far been impressed by the Huns’ conduct in Eastern Roman service and thought they’d make fine allies against the Western Empire. The chief eunuch, by now Theodosius’ cubicularius, reached out to Attila and promised to carve up Illyricum with him if only they stood together against Eucherius; Attila, ever eager for revenge, in turn agreed to divide the Illyric diocese by returning its eastern half to the East while retaining Pannonia and Dalmatia for the Huns if they should prevail, and Chrysaphius advised Theodosius to agree to a secret alliance based on these terms.

    Theodosius’ sister Pulcheria, being a devout Christian, argued against this scheme to lay waste to their fellow Christians and Romans with the help of not just any pagan, but the most dangerous and destructive one to live in their day. Alas the death of the more level-headed Ardabur later this year also opened the way for his son Aspar to be named magister militum in his stead, and the Alan general was of a similarly anti-Western Roman and pro-Hun bent as Chrysaphius, ensuring the victory of the eunuch’s faction over that of the princess in the contest for control over her weak-willed brother. Of course, it had become clear that to realize their master plan they first had to manipulate or eliminate Aetius’ friend Bleda…

    Conversely, Aetius increasingly suggested eliminating the ‘problems’ posed by Attila in his private correspondence with Bleda. The junior khagan’s irreconcilable hostility against Rome made it unlikely that there would ever be a lasting peace between the Western Empire and the Huns so long as he lived, after all. And if it was gold Bleda was after, he would always find more of it in the Eastern Empire than the West; he could certainly go after it without the risk of Attila ruining things by starting a war with Ravenna behind his back again should that younger brother of his meet an unfortunate ‘accident’ somewhere. Two things became increasingly obvious as the year wound toward its end, the Hunnish brothers’ visions for the future of the Huns were too different to coexist and the ill-feelings built up between them were sure to come to a head soon.

    While all this was happening in Europe, over in Central Asia the Hephthalites successfully concluded their siege of Bactra and made it into their capital. They frustrated Persian efforts to expel them, inflicting a particularly heavy defeat on the Sassanid army at Shaporgân[19] in June where they sabotaged the town’s bridge over the Sari Pul River to collapse while the Persians were crossing and just before they launched their assault. Toward the year’s end, Shah Bahram had to admit defeat and negotiate a peace treaty with these conquering nomads, allowing them to keep their significant territorial gains in Bactria and western Transoxiana. No doubt he was kicking himself for having fatally weakened the more manageable Kidarites all the way back to Ctesiphon.

    2CGmOTy.png

    Some Hephthalite tribes were known to practice head-binding, which their Persian opponents found especially strange

    In China, 436 saw continued Liu Song victories in their campaign to reunify China. Emperor Wen laid Northern Yan low this year, capturing their capital of Longcheng[20] in November after eight months of battles. The fall of Northern Yan extended their frontier to the Liaodong Peninsula. Around the same time, the Rouran invaded from the northwest and overran not just the westernmost of the former Northern Wei territories which Liu Song had acquired, but also the remnants of Helian Xia. This was considered a blessing in disguise by Wen’s court, since the nomads had essentially done their job for them by eliminating Helian Xia before they had to manufacture some excuse to absorb that statelet, though they would have to spend some years expelling these Mongolic nomads from northern China before they could properly enjoy their success.

    Come 437, Bleda apparently tried to reconcile with his irreconcilable brother by inviting him to a grand hunt in the Carpathians on April 30, and out of respect for the memory of their mother – who did not survive the past winter – Attila had accepted his offer. What transpired next was a question with many answers. According to Attila (whose words were repeated by the chroniclers of the court in Constantinople), he had aided his elder brother in slaying an especially huge and powerful boar which would otherwise have gored him to death, and Bleda thanked him by trying to murder him along with all his attendants – thereby forcing Attila to slay them all in self-defense. According to the sole surviving attendant of Bleda (whose accusation was recorded & repeated by the Western imperial court), Attila allowed the boar to fatally maim Bleda before killing both it and his brother with the help of his own hunting party, after which he tried to eliminate all the witnesses to his treachery[21].

    Regardless of what actually happened up on that mountain, the outcome was the same: Bleda lay dead and Attila seized full control of the Hunnic Empire to rule as its sole khagan, beginning his reign with a bloody purge of all those among his brother’s family & supporters who would not bend their knees to him. Those who escaped his wrath did so by fleeing over the border into Western Roman territory, where they were welcomed by Eucherius and especially the infuriated Aetius. Attila sent a demand to Ravenna that these exiles be returned to face his judgment, which Eucherius rejected out of hand. Though the Hun ruler did not feel he had strength enough to guarantee victory over the Western Roman Empire at that moment, not after his last defeat at their hands, he nevertheless pocketed the slight as a convenient casus belli for when the time was right and informed his Eastern Roman allies of his success in seizing absolute power over the Huns. In turn, Theodosius and his generals similarly began undertaking preparations for war against the West once more, Pulcheria and her anti-Hun ally Paulinus having been sidelined by Chrysaphius at this time.

    J4TnOJV.png

    Try as Attila might to eliminate all witnesses not affiliated with him, at least one of Bleda's men managed to escape the Carpathian hunting grounds to give their side of the story

    Also in 437 Ambrosius experienced a setback – and a heavy one at that, though it was something he and all Romano-Britons had been expecting for years – when a new breed of Germanic invaders arrived on British shores, intent on conquest. In this year’s summer the similarly young and ambitious warlord Ælle[22] led over 7,000 Saxon warriors and their even more numerous families into the estuary of the Abus[23], advancing further inland from there as the months wore on and compelling the surrender of most of the Briton and Jute settlements in his path; those which tried to put up a fight, he of course put to the torch. By mid-autumn he had reached Eburacum, that great last seat of Romano-British power in northern Britannia. But though the city had never fallen to Briton, Jute or Pict up to this point, it had few souls still living behind its walls and fewer still manning those defenses, for the vast majority of the citizens and rural refugees who’d gathered there in the chaotic first years of Constans’ reign had long ago left for safer pastures in southern Britannia while they still could.

    As it was obvious Ambrosius could not send relief to the exclave, on account of it being completely surrounded by hostile territory and the Abus now closed by the Saxons, and that the Saxon army was larger and more formidable than the usual raiding parties its depleted garrison had to deal with, the city magistrates decided to surrender to Ælle rather than fight to their senseless deaths. Thus was the final vestige of Roman presence in northern Britain extinguished. Ælle, for his part, was pleased at this latest addition to his string of victories and made Eburacum – known as ‘Eoforwic’ in the tongue of his people – into the capital of his new kingdom, which he was determined to expand against anyone who stood in his way: be they indigenous Britons, or his Jutish cousins.

    KVO45F3.jpg

    Golden-haired and golden-helmed Ælle comes ashore with his Saxons to add to Britain's woes

    In early 438, the plans of the Eastern Roman Empire and the Huns were temporarily derailed when Bahram broke his peace treaty with the former and attacked in a bid to regain political capital after being defeated by the Hephthalites. Theodosius II was forced to send Aspar to reinforce the Syrian frontier with the army they had originally planned on sending against Eucherius and Theodoric, and Attila was unwilling to take any chances against the proven strength of the West at this point. Thus, instead of starting another war against the Western Romans Theodosius’ main accomplishment this year was the publication of the Codex Theodosianus, a compilation of laws dating back to the reign of Constantine the Great over a hundred years prior.

    Out east, Aspar proved himself to be a cunning and vicious commander in his first proper outing as magister militum. Linking up with the Eastern Empire’s faithful Ghassanid allies outside Antioch, he informed King al-Nu’man IV that he had a better plan in mind than waiting around for additional carroballistae to be put together in the city while the Persians ravaged eastern Syria & Mesopotamia. When the Eastern Roman and Ghassanid army met the larger one of the Sassanids and Lakhmids near Callinicum[24], which Bahram and his generals had been besieging, Aspar allowed the Shah to send forth his 45-strong elephant corps (including 20 fully armored ones with iron-tipped tusks) and even allow them to come quite close to his lines before unveiling his brand new anti-elephant weapon: hundreds of camels provided by al-Nu’man, loaded down with straw which he then had his men ignite. The sight of burning camels being driven toward them so frightened the war elephants that they stampeded back toward the Persian army, causing a general rout and a trivial victory for Aspar. Bahram himself was one of the casualties of the disaster, thrown by his horse into a swamp along the Euphrates while fleeing from the battlefield and drowning thanks to his heavy armor[25]. Nevertheless the successor to the Persian throne, Yazdgerd II, refused to make peace with the Romans.

    Eucherius, for his part, was not blind to the dangers gathering on his eastern border and spent both this year and the preparing as best he could for the war which he too believed was imminent. Most importantly he fortified Aquincum once more to improve the West’s chances of stopping a Hun crossing of the Middle Danube there, while also ordering Theodoric’s Visigoth troops to amass in several prominent fortress cities along the borders with the Eastern Empire and the Huns; Sirmium, Singidunum, Ratiaria, Viminacium and Serdica were among the most important of these. He also had some 6,000 Visigoths fortify themselves in the western Rhodope Mountains to block the Eastern legions’ most direct route to Thessalonica. Finally, taking advantage of the abatement of barbarian incursions along his western frontiers, the emperor redirected eight of the Gallic legions under Aetius’ oldest son Carpilio[26] to join the Dalmatian comitatenses and expand his mobile reserves in Illyricum.

    439 opened with the Eastern Romans actively counterattacking against Persia. Aspar led his army to expel the last of the Sassanid forces still on Roman soil at Circesium[27] by the start of summer, then advanced down the Euphrates toward the ruins of Dura-Europos. There he outmaneuvered and crushed another Sassanid army, capturing the Lakhmid king al-Mundhir, and turned his light cavalry & Ghassanid auxiliaries loose, allowing them to pillage as far as al-Hirah and into Asoristan for months before Yazdgerd finally admitted defeat. The Eastern Romans extorted 3,000 pounds of gold, hundreds of bolts of silk cloth and crates of spices, as well as the cession of the border fortress-cities of Nisibis[28] and Sisauranon, in exchange for peace. An elated Theodosius recalled Aspar to the capital, where he and the rest of the Eastern high command were making final preparations to go to war with the Western Empire…

    F9FqtjX.jpg

    A Ghassanid Arab federate in Eastern Roman service, here seen using his camel properly unlike Aspar

    In Britain, Ambrosius continued his campaign of reconquest by attacking Dumnonia, the largest and most powerful of the southern British kingdoms which had rebelled after his father’s death. After some smaller skirmishes in the spring and early summer, the rebel emperor marched west at the head of a 4,000-strong army to face King Uthyr and a similar number of Dumnonians at Guoloph[29]. Here he was victorious, routing the Britons with a well-timed cavalry charge into their flank while they were busy fighting his infantry, and captured Uthyr as he scoured the latter’s men from the field. Instead of killing the rival king however, Ambrosius allowed him to live as a vassal in exchange for his baptism and that of his family into the Pelagian Church. Furthermore the betrothal of Uthyr’s younger sister Eigyr to Ambrosius himself was arranged, though due to the bride still being a child at this time, the marriage ceremony itself was postponed until she had grown older.

    Also in 439, the forces of Liu Song finally chased the last of the Rouran out of their territories back over the Great Wall. With this, Emperor Wen had nearly completed the reunification of China, for his realm now stretched from the aforementioned Great Wall to the province of Jiaozhou[30] in the south. Only two weak kingdoms still stood in his way: Northern Liang and Western Qin, both located in the remote northwest. To ensure he’d have a free hand to eliminate them without having to worry about the Rouran attacking his northern flank, Wen agreed to buy them off with many sycees of gold & silver as well as the marriage of his eldest daughter, Princess Dongyangxian, to the Rourans’ own Qilian Khagan.

    ====================================================================================

    [1] Gnotzheim.

    [2] Budapest.

    [3] Pécs.

    [4] Sisak.

    [5] Supposedly Attila first discovered his sword when one of his subjects’ sheep cut itself on the blade while grazing, and he declared the weapon to be a gift from above. The Romans interpreted whichever god gave Attila this weapon to be the Huns’ equivalent to Mars, so most likely Attila intended it to be either the ‘Scythian Ares’ worshiped by Indo-European steppe pagans like the Alans or Kyzaghan, the Turkic war god and grandson of Tengri.

    [6] Slavonski Brod.

    [7] Požega.

    [8] Burgheim.

    [9] Neuberg an der Donau.

    [10] The first king of the Rugians whose name was known to history, father to the Feletheus who was later vanquished by Odoacer.

    [11] The Kupa River.

    [12] The Ghassanid king from 434 to 455.

    [13] Samsat.

    [14] Harran.

    [15] Cart-mounted ballistae which served as the light, mobile artillery of the late legions, recorded by Vegetius in De Re Militari.

    [16] Balkh.

    [17] Silchester.

    [18] Winchester.

    [19] Sheberghan.

    [20] Chaoyang.

    [21] Historically, Bleda did not die until almost ten years later.

    [22] Historically the first named king of the South Saxons, who were also the first actual Saxons known to have settled in Britain instead of just raiding its shores.

    [23] The Humber River.

    [24] Raqqa.

    [25] Historically Bahram did die, possibly from drowning in a swamp, in 438, though obviously under very different circumstances – there was no war between the ERE and Sassanid Persia that year IRL.

    [26] Aetius’ firstborn son from his first wife, a daughter of another Carpilio (presumably his namesake), about whom nothing is known other than his name and that he was born at some point before 425.

    [27] Al-Busayrah.

    [28] Nusaybin.

    [29] Nether Wallop.

    [30] Northern Vietnam.
     
    440-442: The Scourge of God, Part I
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    The early winter of 440 was a mild and relatively pleasant one, as if the heavens themselves knew it was the calm before the storm Attila would be bringing once the spring rains fell. As his Huns and both Romes took the opportunity to make their final preparations for war across the Balkans, Eucherius and the Western Roman court celebrated the wedding of the younger prince Theodosius to Akgül, the daughter of Bleda, as well as her baptism and that of her fellow Hunnish exiles into the Nicene Church[1]. At the same time, Attila sent a request for experienced siege engineers to Constantinople, claiming that he needed their knowhow to put together siege weapons if he was to have any chance of cracking the strengthened defenses of the Western Roman border cities & fortresses; against the urging of Procopius, who warned that this was sure to make the already-dangerous Huns twenty times deadlier, Theodosius assented at the advice of Chrysaphius, who assured him that Attila would surely be as faithful to them as the fallen Bleda and that even if he weren’t, no siege engine the steppe hordes could put together would ever be able to breach Constantinople’s defenses.

    KbXVS6j.jpg

    The Emperor Eucherius in his twilight years greatly resembled his father Stilicho's own elderly appearance

    Attila initiated hostilities on March 1 with an attack not across the Middle Danube into Roman Pannonia as he had before, but over the Lower Danube and into Moesia instead. To the shock of Marcellinus and other Western Roman defenders, thanks to Theodosius’ engineers he did in fact have battering rams and siege towers with which he assailed their border cities this time around, starting with Margus[2]. Soon after that town’s fall, the Eastern legions began marching westward from Thrace and battling the Visigoths stationed along the border & in the Rhodope Mountains. The initial Western Roman strategy was to count on said Visigoths to hold their Eastern cousins off while their reinforced forts and walled towns slowed and weakened Attila in western Illyricum, after which their gradually-reinforced field armies would squash him once and for all before heading further east; but the speed at which Attila was moving and ransacking Illyrian towns forced Eucherius to march to respond ahead of schedule, well before the last-minute reinforcements he had requested from Aetius could join him in Dalmatia.

    However, even without the additional forces Aetius was sending, the 30,000-strong Western Roman field army was already an extremely formidable force – one of the largest the West had fielded in decades – with substantial contributions from the Burgundians, Rugians, Visigoths and even a small contingent of Hunnish exiles backing up the legions themselves. Marching from the Dalmatian diocesan capital at Salona, Eucherius first confronted Attila’s horde at Domavia[3] on the edge of the Dinaric Alps and soundly defeated him there, nearly trapping him against the mountains and forcing the Hun warlord to retreat with over 4,000 dead – about a tenth of his army. Calculating that Attila’s next move would be to try to retreat eastward to attack Visigoth territory and link up with the Eastern Romans, Eucherius dispatched a 6,000-strong cavalry division under Theodosius’ lead to shadow the Huns’ movements and prevent them from achieving this. Attila accordingly retreated northward instead with the aim of retreating back over the Danube and onto his own territory, though he had to deal with Theodosius’ horsemen harassing him and the main Western army following him the entire time.

    Theodosius firmly got ahead of Attila just before he could get over the Danube, trapping him between the Western Roman cavalry and his imperial father’s host on a plain near the looted town of Bassianae[4] by April 14. With no way out but through, Attila decided on forcing a pitched battle, believing the terrain was far more favorable for him here than the feet of the Dinaric Alps had been. Knowing that he had to crush Theodosius’ men before Eucherius brought the full force of the main Western Roman army onto the field and stomped him flat between them, the Hunnish khagan threw everything he had at the Roman cavalry corps, which in turn strained to keep him trapped on the battlefield long enough for Eucherius to arrive. Alas, as outnumbered by the Huns as they were, the Western Roman cavalry was unable to withstand the Huns’ arrows and lances and were driven off the field. Theodosius was among the dead, unhorsed by Attila’s own oldest son Ellac[5] and finished off not long after.

    DCjPTE3.jpg

    Ellac prepares to finish off the dying prince Theodosius

    Eucherius finally reached Bassianae hours after his younger son’s demise, while the Huns were still wrapping up their pursuit of the latter’s shattered division and regrouping on the Syrmian plain. Attila did not fail to notice and, knowing he could choose between finally retreating over the Danube or trying to defeat the Western Roman Emperor on the same day, boldly chose the latter course of action. Eucherius for his part was at a disadvantage, for Theodosius’ defeat left him more heavily outnumbered by Attila’s horde and with only 2,000 cavalrymen of his own, and he did indeed consider withdrawing to nearby Sirmium to let Attila fall back & await Aetius’ reinforcements; however, Attila changed his mind by raising up Theodosius’ corpse on a stake in full view of the Western Romans. Enraged beyond reason by the sight of his dead son, Eucherius committed to an immediate attack on the Huns.

    At first it seemed to Attila that his provocation worked a little too well. The Western Romans’ initial charge crushed through his still-disorganized infantry, scattering many of the subject Ostrogoths and Gepids aside with heavy casualties. Eucherius even reached the Hunnish camp, which Attila had drawn his wagons around to defend, and nearly broke through before Ellac returned with the rest of the Hunnish cavalry which had been missing from the field until that moment. The Huns’ own prince drove away what little cavalry Eucherius still had and forced the Western Romans to pull back with an attack on their now-exposed flanks. Still, Eucherius refused to leave the battlefield – not that he could disengage safely without his cavalry, anyway – and he and the Huns fought well into the night, with the Western Romans maintaining their circular shield-wall even under the pressure of numerous Hunnish charges and feints.

    Not even having their formation split in half by a particularly devastating charge under Attila himself, resulting in the weaker barbarian federates being annihilated and the Burgundian king Gundahar being struck down, could get Eucherius and his men to give up; for that matter neither did Eucherius’ own death, shot in the throat by a Hun horse-archer while trying to hack a path to Attila himself. In the end Attila had to come to terms with Marcellinus & Carpilio, the remaining senior Roman commanders; in respect of the Western Romans’ fighting prowess, the khagan agreed to allow them to withdraw southward unmolested with the corpses of their emperor and prince in tow, and because his own army was in no shape to try to finish them off he actually kept his word on this occasion.

    JcRG5Qi.jpg

    Despite their emperor's demise, Marcellinus & Carpilio managed to put up a fierce (and exhausting) enough last stand to impress Attila into letting them retreat from the battlefield

    The Battle of Bassianae had proved exceedingly costly to both sides, but by far the Western Romans had gotten the worst of it. Out of the 28,000 men they had going in, they had sustained some 12,000 losses including Eucherius, Theodosius and Gundahar, with the contingent of pro-Bleda Hunnish exiles in particular being nearly totally annihilated. Attila had also lost 11,000 men out of the 35,000 he had originally, which were nothing to sneeze at, but proportionally lower than the casualties the Romans had sustained, and he found them easier to replace than the Western Empire did their own. Now the eldest grandson of Stilicho, who had been administering the empire in relative safety from Ravenna all this time, decidedly had a long and difficult road ahead of him as the new Western Augustus. Romanus’ only saving grace at this point was that his father’s constant thrashing of would-be usurpers and wisdom in surrounding him with capable and loyal lieutenants, such as Aetius and Joannes, ensured he didn’t have to fight another civil war on his ascension, which he certainly could not have afforded.

    Almost immediately making that road even more difficult for Romanus, Attila was determined to resume the offensive and capitalize on the Western Romans’ weakened position as soon as possible. After resting his army and while more reinforcements were en route from the eastern reaches of his empire, he compelled the surrender of Sirmium and once more invaded Roman Pannonia, conquering the last of its fortified towns by July. Among the captives he took in this rampage was a young equestrian from the shores of Lake Pelso[6] named Orestes[7], who offered to join his court as a notary in exchange for his life and that of his family, and sufficiently impressed the Hunnish king with his knowledge of arithmetic & the Hun language to be granted this favor. While Marcellinus went to aid the Goths, Carpilio lost more ground in Dalmatia before finally receiving his father’s reinforcements from the Gallic frontier as well as the remaining Italian legions personally led by the new Emperor Romanus, and together the two managed to push Attila back enough to stabilize the Illyrian front in the Dinaric Alps by the end of the year.

    Meanwhile, the Eastern Romans remained on the offensive against the Visigoths to the southeast. Shortly after the Battle of Bassianae Procopius rooted Theodoric’s men out of the Rhodope Mountains, while Aspar defeated the king’s main army in a large battle just east of Amphipolis, and Anatolius led a third force of nine legions to Athens by sea where he promptly secured the city’s surrender. Theodoric’s attempt to negotiate terms in the face of this overwhelming power was shot down by Emperor Theodosius himself: believing victory to be imminent, the Eastern Augustus had declared that nothing short of the reclamation of the East’s old Illyric territories and the expulsion of the barbarian blight from those lands could satisfy him.

    Marcellinus had hurried down to Thessalonica with half of the remaining Western Roman forces in Dalmatia and reached his destination on June 26 – just in time to attack the flank of Procopius’ and Aspar’s combined host while they were battling Theodoric before Thessalonica’s gates, forcing the Eastern Romans to retreat that day. But with the pair still active to the east of the great city and Anatolius storming northward from Athens, driving Visigoth settlers to flight before his advance and negotiating the surrender of one Western Roman city after another as he went, it became obvious to the pair that they could not realistically hold Macedonia for much longer. Thus Theodoric and Marcellinus spent the rest of 440 and early 441 waging a fighting retreat from the dioceses of Dacia and Macedonia, once again evacuating as many of the former’s people to Dalmatia with them as they could, while being harried not just by the Eastern Romans but also some of Attila’s Huns after the collapse of the Middle Danubian frontier. In the process Theodoric’s middle son, also named Theodoric[8], was felled in a skirmish with Aspar’s cavalry near Dioclea over the winter; but in the end, with the help of diversionary attacks from the Dinaric Alps in the autumn to relieve the pressure Attila was bringing to bear, the two had succeeded and preserved both the continued existence of the Visigothic people and enough of Marcellinus’ legions to make a meaningful contribution to Romanus’ imperial army.

    DEaCnsx.jpg

    Theodoric Junior moments before joining the growing list of notable Western Roman casualties in this war

    Compounding the tragic circumstances the Western Empire found itself in, near the end of 440 Akgül gave birth to the emperor’s posthumous niece – named Theodosia in honor of her deceased father – but soon became feverish and died herself. But Romanus had no opportunity to mourn his sister-in-law’s passing, for the circumstances of the war forced him to remain in Dalmatia to lead his armies all through the winter and into the spring of 441. From his headquarters at Salona he called for reinforcements from Africa, including the Vandals and Moors, but the Eastern Romans put a stop to this when their navy vanquished that of the West in the Battle off Hydruntum[9] in February of 441, making it too unsafe for the African forces to try crossing into Italy by sea. More fortunately for the Western Romans, an attempt by Anatolius to land Eastern troops in Apulia and from there march on Ravenna was frustrated by Joannes, who caught the former’s army while they were landing outside Brundisium and pushed them back into the sea before they could establish a proper beachhead – though the strain of the battle, and the still-poor broader strategic outlook for the West, was apparently too much for him, for the old imperial treasurer died of a heart attack a week later; another hard loss for the Augustus he mentored in financial matters, and whose reign had already started with so many personal losses in the first place.

    Ironically, the defeat of the Western Roman fleet turned out to be somewhat to their advantage when Theodosius II (frustrated by his failure to invade Italy) sent legions from Egypt and Syria to attack Africa later in the summer; reinforced by Fredegar’s Vandals and Caecilius’ Berbers, the Western African legions handily turned this incursion back at Leptis Magna[10]. Attila’s own attempt to open a new front this year by inciting and harrying several Alamannic and Ripuarian Frankish tribes into attacking Gaul also turned out poorly, as although Aetius lacked the numbers to directly defeat the invaders head-on after having sent so many of the Gallic legions to reinforce his emperor, through Salian Frankish emissaries he was able to secretly persuade their Ripuarian cousins to turn against the Alamanni – having easily secured permission from the embattled Romanus to make whatever promises were necessary to prevent the empire’s weakened western frontier from collapsing at this critical time.

    When the two armies fought near Mogontiacum that autumn, the Ripuarians abandoned the Alamanni and opened up gaps in their lines, allowing Aetius and his own Salian federates to crush them and send them fleeing back over the Rhine. However this victory did not change Aetius’ own lack of Roman manpower, preventing him from backstabbing the Ripuarians; accordingly he had to appease them by actually following through on his promise to settle them in the lands of the Salians within the empire, which were also expanded further south both as a reward for said Salians’ own service and to accommodate the new arrivals. It could therefore be said that the Franks were collectively the biggest winner on the Gallic front of the war, for their king Chlodio quickly absorbed the Ripuarians into his kingdom and extended his domain as far as Nemetacum[11].

    Outside the two Romes, in Britannia Ælle and Ambrosius continued to strive to expand their power, though they also ran into the occasional reverses. For his part Ælle went to war with the Jutes and defeated them thoroughly in a battle outside Bretlinton[12], one of the new towns the latter had founded, after which Oisc of the Jutes submitted to his authority and offered up one of his daughters in marriage to the younger and more powerful Saxon warlord. Having subjugated his fellow Germanic invaders, Ælle next turned against the Britons once more: but in that he had less luck, for Gwrast and Arthuis, two grandsons of Coel who ruled in the Pennines, managed to temporarily check his advance in the Battle of Catale[13] at the beginning of winter. Similarly Ambrosius had initial success in reasserting his authority west and north of Glevum, recapturing the old fortress of Magnis[14] from Powys and the market town of Venta Silurum[15] from Gwent on top of forcing the latter’s king to bend the knee, but was unable to push deeper into the Welsh mountains and had his northern push checked at Winnicas[16] by the Powysians in the fall.

    mdcdz2I.png

    Ælle teaching the Jutes who's boss in the Germanic parts of northern Britannia

    Come 442, Romanus and his generals found new hope when they fought a second battle at Domavia – this time against Aspar – and emerged victorious. Having caught him off-guard when their troops made a nighttime descent from the mountains, they had inflicted heavy losses on his legions and nearly captured the Alan general himself in the fracas. Carpilio and Theodoric both believed the severe beating Aspar had taken opened a gap in the dead center of the Eastern Empire’s front-line, and that it was time to go on the offensive; Romanus was inclined to agree, having grown frustrated after spending more than a year on the defensive and eager for revenge. Marcellinus alone argued for caution, but the emperor overrode him at Carpilio’s urging; according to the latter, holding their present positions in the Dinaric Alps would just give the Eastern Romans time to recover, and they had to strike while the iron was still hot. So did the Western Roman army begin marching to leave the Dinaric Alps.

    However, in truth the Eastern Romans were putting their own strategy into motion. Aspar had in the first place been the one to engineer the broader plan, which required him to draw the Western Romans out of Dalmatia by throwing a large enough battle to make Romanus and company overconfident. He then retreated to join the rest of the Eastern Roman legions amassing at Ulpiana, while the Huns maneuvered into position to the northeast with plans to trap the Western army between them. The hammer fell on a plain north of Ulpiana[17] on June 24, where Romanus’ scouts warned him of Attila’s approach from the north just as the Eastern Roman army under Procopius’ overall command – which, at 34,000 strong, was more numerous than his own by some 12,000 men – came into sight to the south.

    The emperor decided to beat a retreat westward back into friendly territory, but of course his enemies weren’t going to let him get away that easily. As soon as he saw the Western Romans trying to leave the battlefield, Aspar immediately launched an all-out cavalry charge, which Romanus repelled by having his legionaries form a shield-wall but served the former’s intent of keeping the Western legions from falling back too quickly. The Eastern army constantly trailed and attacked its Western counterpart, which in turn had to stage a slower fighting retreat rather than hurriedly fleeing the field as Romanus hoped to do. Still, they managed to maintain order and fall back to the west as a cohesive force in the face of both Procopius’ infantry and Aspar’s cavalry until Attila arrived with 13,000 cavalry, having left the greater part of his army under Ellac behind to move more quickly, and began his contribution to the battle by devastating the Visigoth contingent guarding the Western Romans’ right (northern) flank.

    Under the added pressure of the Huns, the Western army began to crumble and its fighting retreat degenerated into a rout across the Dardanian field. By the time night fell, Romanus had managed to limp to safety with only 11,000 men, fully half of his army having been slaughtered or taken prisoner by his enemies, and both Theodoric and Carpilio had fallen; the former was cut down by Attila himself as the khagan crushed his Visigoths, while the latter atoned for advising Romanus into this disastrous engagement by leading a rearguard action near sunset until he was overwhelmed and killed an hour later. The emperor himself had been under threat in the later stages of the battle, but was carried off to safety by the intervention of his friend and candidatus Majorian.

    The calamity that was the Battle of the Dardanian Plains crippled the Western Romans’ Illyrian army and made a defense of Dalmatia impossible, something which Romanus was painfully aware of – hence why he opted to retreat all the way to Aquileia rather than try to make a stand at Salona or elsewhere in the province – and which the Huns in particular were eager to take advantage of. Attila wildly raced ahead of the Eastern legions, determined to raze and pillage as much of the province as he could without having to share any fun or plunder with his allies, and left very little for the Eastern Romans to pick through as they followed in his wake. Most infamously the Huns subjected the aforementioned provincial capital itself to a brutal sack on July 30, killing or enslaving nearly three-quarters of the city’s population – including Bishop Hesychius[18], who was martyred within moments of emerging from his church to ask for clemency to the unfortunates trying to shelter inside it – and absolutely gutting the Palace of Diocletian, from which Attila stole even the very gates. News of the horrific incident dismayed Theodosius himself as well as Aspar and Chrysaphius, though they had been the most ruthless members of the Eastern imperial court; the latter eunuch, concerned that Attila might just be out of their control and that in any case he could not be allowed to grow too powerful, did not have to work particularly hard to convince his overlord to call for a ceasefire and negotiate terms with the Western Romans before Attila invaded Italy itself.

    30s3tCA.jpg

    Attila and his men in the middle of ransacking the Palace of Diocletian

    Attila was infuriated by his allies suddenly suing for peace, but determined that he could not continue his advance past the Histrian peninsula after his scouts reported that the magister militum Aetius was personally marching to Romanus’ aid – leaving behind a skeleton garrison on the Rhine that he could’ve taken advantage of, had he not made the Teutonic tribes living there attack it and fail the year before. At Aquileia the Eastern and Western emperors hashed out the terms of peace with both Aetius and the Hun khagan in attendance: most of the Praetorian prefecture of Illyricum was to be divided between the Huns and the Eastern Roman Empire, with the former acquiring Pannonia & Dalmatia while Dacia & Macedonia were finally returned to the latter after nearly 40 years under Western control. The Visigoths were of course kicked out of their old Balkan holdings, for the Orient considered their presence pestilential and a severe detriment to the local Greek population; Visigoth captives in Eastern Roman custody were largely enslaved, with only the nobles able to afford extortionate ransoms being allowed to go free. The Huns were required to respect the appointment of a new Bishop of Salona – to be decided by Theodosius now, not Romanus – to replace the deceased Hesychius.

    Though no tribute was asked of the West (only ransom payments for captured Western legionaries), the Eastern court having determined that they couldn’t afford any respectable sum anyway and that weakening the Western Empire too severely wasn’t in anyone’s interest but Attila’s, the territorial loss of not just Stilicho’s earlier conquests but also Dalmatia – effectively meaning the entire eastern half of the Western Empire – was still a severe loss, to put it mildly. Aside from the now-also-lost Dacia, Dalmatia had been a key source of manpower for the Western army (particularly its cavalry, among whom the equites Dalmatae had provided one of the more effective counters to the Huns until they were decimated in this war) even after Eucherius’ land reforms began bringing Italian recruitment back up, almost like what Africa was to the Roman urban mob’s survival. And of course, the defeat greatly tarnished the prestige of the Western imperial crown, for it had been their first serious reverse since Stilicho took power in 395 (not their first territorial loss – that had been Britannia in 422 – but, of course, losing one half of their European territories was far worse than one remote and exposed province).

    Almost immediately after these terms were broadcast, rebellions flared up among the Burgundians and in Hispania & Africa to take advantage of Romanus’ weakened state. Against Spanish usurper Maximus II (a Lusitanian legate with no actual relation to the previous Maximus Tyrannus beyond having the same name), the emperor sent the Visigoths; as his brother-in-law and their new King Thorismund absolutely refused to be settled in Noricum[19] on the new border with the Huns, Romanus agreed to instead place him and what remained of his people in western Hispania[20] instead, if only they could secure it from the rebels first. Against the African usurper Antalas, who had the backing of Donatists encouraged by the East’s victory, he relied on Fredegar and Caecilius once more while he strove to rebuild the core of the Western army. And against the insurgent new Burgundian king Gondioc he counted on Aetius, who also nominated the Romano-Gallic nobleman Avitus[21] – a member of his staff who had retired just before the war with Attila and the Eastern Empire began – to replace the late Joannes as the West’s permanent comes sacrarum largitionum. Finally, to thank Majorian for saving his life and secure the new border, Romanus arranged the man's marriage to his sister Maria and appointed him Comes Illyrici – commander of the Western Roman forces in Illyricum, which at this point really just meant Noricum.

    v3EXIpS.jpg

    Majorian, Romanus and Aetius debating how to proceed from their defeat in the Eastern-Western War of 440-442

    Off to the East, Theodosius was over the moon at the news of his legions’ smashing victory, which finally restored the pre-407 territorial integrity of his half of the empire. To reward the generals who had returned to Constantinople as heroes, he assented to the marriage of his daughter Licinia Eudoxia to Procopius’ son Anthemius[22] and to appoint Aspar’s own son Ardabur Junior[23] to govern the diocese of Dacia despite the latter’s youth & inexperience. He also considered welcoming them with a triumph, but was dissuaded from this by his sister Pulcheria, who thought it improper to celebrate a victory over fellow Romans won with the aid of barbarians who just martyred a bishop. In any case, Theodosius also decided to stop paying the Huns after 442, for as far as he was concerned he no longer needed their services. To Attila however, this was nothing less than the Eastern Romans suspending their tribute just after undercutting him by negotiating peace with Ravenna, and he certainly was not going to allow such a treacherous insult to go unanswered…

    azHxHrn.png


    1. Western Roman Empire
    2. Eastern Roman Empire
    3. Franks
    4. Burgundians
    5. Romano-British
    6. Britons
    7. Saxons
    8. Western Roman rebels
    9. Vandals
    10. Huns
    11. Caucasian kingdoms of Lazica, Iberia & Albania
    12. Garamantians
    13. Sassanid Empire
    14. Ghassanids
    15. Lakhmids
    16. Hephthalites
    17. Gupta Empire
    18. Vakatakas
    19. Rouran Khaganate
    20. Northern Liang
    21. Tuyuhun
    22. Western Qin
    23. Liu Song

    ====================================================================================

    [1] Historically some Hunnish nobles were known to have disagreed with Attila and Bleda’s rise to power, and to have fled to the Eastern Roman imperial court where they converted to Christianity. Upon forcing the Romans to hand them over, the Huns crucified these renegades.

    [2] Požarevac.

    [3] Srebrenica.

    [4] Donji Petrovci.

    [5] Historically, Ellac was indeed the eldest of Attila’s three known sons and struggled over the succession against his brothers after Attila died from a nosebleed in 453. He seemed to have been the strongest of the three, for the Hunnish Empire mostly collapsed after his demise in the Battle of Nedao a year later and barely lingered as a shadow of its former self for another decade before disappearing entirely.

    [6] Lake Balaton.

    [7] Historically the last magister militum of the Western Empire, father & puppet-master of its last emperor – the child Romulus Augustulus. Orestes was known to have actually served Attila as a ‘notarius’ IRL.

    [8] Historically, Theodoric II murdered Thorismund soon after their father’s death on the Catalaunian Plains and usurped the Visigoth kingship for thirteen years before he was in turn assassinated & usurped by their youngest surviving brother, Euric.

    [9] Otranto.

    [10] Al-Khums.

    [11] Arras.

    [12] Bridlington.

    [13] Cattal.

    [14] Kenchester.

    [15] Caerwent.

    [16] Wenlock.

    [17] Kosovo Polje.

    [18] Historically mentioned as the Bishop of Salona in De Civitate Dei.

    [19] A province spanning parts of modern-day Austria & Slovenia. It was famous for producing high-quality ‘Noric steel’ for weapon-making.

    [20] Centered on Tierra de Campos in modern Castile & León, which was also historically known as Campi Gothici – the Gothic Plains.

    [21] The historical Western Roman Emperor from 455 to 456, noted for his strong friendship with the Visigoths and favoritism toward fellow Gallo-Romans after donning the purple.

    [22] Western Roman Emperor 467-472, the last to be recognized as such by the Eastern Empire (which was also responsible for installing him in the first place) until Julius Nepos and also the last Western emperor of any ability. He was eventually fatally undermined by Ricimer, who overthrew and beheaded him for resisting his designs one too many times.

    [23] The eldest son of Aspar, presumably named after his grandfather, who was made Consul in 471 and was killed in the same riot that took out his father.
     
    Last edited:
    443-445: The Scourge of God, Part II
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    Sorry for not replying to your responses earlier guys, this past weekend was pretty busy for me & I'm due to get vaccinated tomorrow afternoon. Of course I'm hoping for no side-effects worse than the sore arm the rest of my family who got it had to power through, but if the next update happens to take longer than the usual 3-5 days to come out, well now you'll know why. Anyway, let's get on with the show!

    ====================================================================================

    For the Western Romans, 443 marked the end of the challenge posed by the Huns – for a little while, anyway – and the beginning of a new round of more familiar, internal threats. The one most pressing to the empire’s core was the opportunistic rebellion of the Burgundians under their new king Gondioc, the son of the late Gundahar[1]; though the Burgundians had been mauled as badly as anyone else in the Battle of Bassianae, they were still dangerous enough to lay waste to much of the upper Rhodanus River valley and place both Lugdunum and Vienna[2] under siege. That ended when Aetius marched at the head of the remaining Italian and Dalmatian legions against them from the south while simultaneously coordinating an onslaught of Frankish foederati under Chlodio and Aegidius from the north, vanquishing the Burgundians in battles at those cities before the end of spring; Chlodio’s son and heir Merovech[3] distinguished himself in the battle at Lugdunum, where he challenged Gondioc’s younger brother Chilperic[4] to single combat and slew him in sight of all Burgundy’s other mightiest warriors, causing them to lose heart. Gondioc himself survived these defeats and fell back to the Alps but, realizing the Western Romans were still more powerful than he could handle, surrendered early in the summer and reaffirmed his loyalty to Ravenna.

    RdROxW0.jpg

    Exhausted and wounded, Merovech issues horn-blasts to signal his victory over Chilperic

    Months after Aetius suppressed the Burgundian rebellion, the Visigoths reached Hispania to do the same to the usurper Maximus II there, while Romanus was off raising new cavalry legions in Gaul and having them drilled in part by the few pro-Western Roman Hunnish survivors of Bassianae and the Dardanian Plains. Despite their great reduction in numbers in the recent war, the Visigoth warriors who had managed to survive up to this point were some of the most grizzled veterans living in the entirety of Europe and (together with the Hispanic legions backing them up) rapidly proved to be more than a match for the green urban levies, Priscillianist guerrillas and Asturi and Callaeci tribesmen serving Maximus on the battlefield. Every time Maximus dared show his face, Thorismund and his remaining brother Euric[5] caved it (and his army) in, reclaiming the cities overrun by the rebels throughout the summer and settling their people on the western Hispanic plateau while Maximus retreated into the northwestern mountains as his predecessors did when defeated in the field.

    While Euric led efforts to eliminate him, finally capturing the usurper in a skirmish in January of 444 and delivering him to Ravenna for execution, Thorismund set about building a new capital by the River Arlanzae[6], which he creatively named Baurg-af-Thorismund[7] – simply, the ‘fort of Thorismund’, and increasingly referred to simply as ‘the’ Baurg by his subjects – on New Year’s Day that year. At his sister the Empress Theodesinda’s request, Thorismund built a church for Nicene Christians in addition to one for Arians like himself, and invited priests from the Archdiocese of Toletum[8] (Hispania’s oldest and most prominent archdiocese) to preach freely there. This did not sit well with more conservative elements of Visigoth society, whose Arian beliefs were a core part of their identity which set them firmly apart from their Roman neighbors and who disdained Thorismund’s and Theodesinda’s overt fondness for the Roman ways they had grown up with; however, as their position (and that of Visigoth society in general) was still too precarious for them to make any serious moves against their staunchly Western Roman-backed king, they held their tongue in these years.

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    Romanus and Theodesinda pay a visit to the Baurg's new Nicene church shortly after its completion

    At the same time that Aetius was crushing the Burgundians and Thorismund was marching to Hispania, Western Roman loyalists and supporters of the usurper Antalas were clashing in Africa. The former, led by Fredegar of the Vandals and Caecilius of Altava, had the advantage in open battles and sieges alike, and quickly suppressed the revolt to irrelevance outside of the inner African countryside; but much like the rebels of Hispania, those of Africa waged a guerrilla war from mountains and deserts where the imperial loyalists could not follow so easily, and Antalas proved more slippery than Maximus II by far. To counter this strategy, the two kings petitioned Romanus for permission to directly negotiate with or fight the hinterland Moorish kings and chieftains aiding the rebellion, which he granted.

    Caecilius bribed or beat many of these lesser Berber lords into submission, finally getting the king of Volubilis[9] to hand Antalas over so he could be delivered to Ravenna in chains in February of 444, while Fredegar expanded further into the Aures Mountains by building fortified settlements past his people’s initial allotted settlement and driving away or subjugating the local Berbers. However, this success came at the cost of empowering both kings and allowing them to deepen the alliance between their peoples, culminating in the double marriage of Fredegar’s only daughter Freya to Caecilius’ heir Ierna and that of his own son Gerlach to the Berber king’s eldest daughter Basilla. In response to the news, Emperor Romanus sent them his congratulations – perhaps he was thankful to them for suppressing the rebellion of Antalas, unaware of the danger a united Afro-Vandal front might pose in the future, or too busy rejoicing over the birth of his daughter Serena around the same time to think about the latter.

    While the Western Empire was struggling to reassert order in its provinces and Romanus himself was busy rebuilding the core of his army, the Eastern one spent the entirety of 443 and the first half of 444 luxuriously resting on its laurels. Chrysaphius, seemingly vindicated by the previous year’s great victory, was firmly ascendant over his rivals, and successfully marginalized Paulinus and even the princess Pulcheria in this time. Ardabur Junior did not take his duties as Dacia’s new governor seriously and was thus the first of many Eastern Romans to be rudely shocked when Attila suddenly attacked in the summer of 444, citing Theodosius’ failure to pay him the usual tribute as the cause and frightening away the unfortunate envoys the latter sent to try to explain that what he viewed as tribute, the Romans intended to be his salary – now that they no longer employed him, why would they continue paying him? The khagan demonstrated the answer to that question by sacking Singidunum on July 30, Ardabur having abandoned the city by fleeing to Constantinople well ahead of his horde a few weeks before, and it would be but the first of many he’d deal this harsh lesson out to.

    pGCGr2V.jpg

    Attila directs his Hunnish horde onward from Singidunum's ashes

    Since the Eastern legions on the European side of the Hellespont had been depleted by the war with the West (though not to the same extent as the Western legions), the initial strategy of the court in Constantinople was to count on their fortified cities slowing down Attila’s advance while they moved reinforcements from the Sassanid frontier over the straits. But unfortunately, thanks to Theodosius’ provision of siege engineers in the past, Attila had closely observed how to construct effective enough siege weapons to assault these fortifications, and so the Huns were able to move much faster through the Eastern Roman defenses than anticipated. As Attila closed in on Thessalonica, Theodosius decided he had to respond prematurely and sent Procopius and Aspar out to contend with him, though their army was known to all to be outnumbered by an order of at least 3-to-1.

    The Eastern Romans met Attila on the plain before Thessalonica on the afternoon of September 4. Their scouts had reported that many of Attila’s men had dispersed to raid the countryside while he negotiated the city’s surrender, so Procopius & Aspar both thought the Huns’ numbers had been diminished to the point where they actually had a good chance to defeat Attila himself; but in truth this had been a mirage, a trap set by the cunning khagan precisely to bait them into attacking him, and his sons and tarkhans[10] were in truth awaiting his command to gather their forces and swarm the battlefield. The Eastern Romans thus found themselves increasingly beset on all sides by returning Hunnish cavalry as they tried to fight through Attila’s infantry and camp defenses; Aspar was the first to realize the full gravity of the threat they were facing and persuaded Procopius to retreat just as Dengizich[11] and Ernak[12], Attila’s younger sons, arrived to their rear with 9,000 horsemen.

    Leading a great wedge of heavy Roman cavalry, Aspar desperately hacked open a path for their retreat through the new arrivals and managed to shepherd the Eastern Romans to safety before Ellac could join the battle and completely seal the trap, but his success in salvaging the situation had not come cheaply. Out of the 11,000 legionaries they had at the beginning of the battle, about 3,500 had been killed or fatally injured, including Procopius himself – maimed by a javelin thrown by Dengizich. Meanwhile Attila held the field, subtracting fewer than half the Eastern Romans' losses out of his larger army, and showed the defenders of Thessalonica that no help would be forthcoming, compelling the city’s leaders to surrender. The Huns chose not to sack the great diocesan capital only after first extracting a hefty ransom of 1,500 pounds of treasure, leaving even the city’s praetorium and churches almost as bare and unadorned as they would have been if Attila had actually sacked the place.

    l8RluQj.jpg

    Attila's younger sons hurry to close their father's trap around Procopius and Aspar

    While Aspar retreated to Constantinople with the dying Procopius and Emperor Theodosius now decided to take absolutely no further risks until his reinforcements crossed the Hellespont, Attila had free reign across the entire European half of the Eastern Empire. He rampaged down to Athens, which unlike Thessalonica decided to resist him and paid the price when he stormed their defenses with crude rams and siege towers. The Huns promptly sacked the city for all it was worth, and carried off many thousands of its citizens in chains; among the most prominent captives were the family of Empress Aelia Eudoxia and Proclus[13], the Scholarch of the city’s great Platonic Academy, who impressed Attila enough that the khagan decided to pressgang him and all of the other Neoplatonic intellectuals he captured that night into his court rather than simply dash their brains out.

    While Attila was returning north with his vast loot train and numerous captives, the Anatolian legions had finally arrived in Constantinople and hurried to intercept him under the leadership of the Isaurian general Zeno[14]. The Eastern Romans blocked Attila’s path near the sacked ruins of Beroea and forced a battle there in December: although the Huns eventually broke Zeno’s ranks with a massed charge involving their heaviest cavalry, the Anatolians had put up enough of a fight to infuriate Attila into changing his plans and following them as they retreated to Constantinople instead of retiring home for the winter. Thus 444 ended, and 445 began, with the Huns pillaging the Thracian countryside and besieging the Queen of Cities, the first time this would happen to the Eastern capital in its history.

    While Attila was overseeing the construction of rams and a pair of siege towers against the Theodosian Walls, Shah Yazdgerd noticed the Eastern Romans’ border defenses beginning to slacken as more troops were pulled away to relieve the capital, and naturally decided this would be an excellent time to make a move against the distracted Theodosius. As Persian armies marched on Nisibis and Callinicum, the faction of Aspar and Chrysaphius was joined by a reluctant yet pragmatic Anatolius to prevail over that of Anthemius, Paulinus and Zeno, persuading Theodosius to sue for terms after the Huns mounted a failed preliminary assault on Constantinople’s defenses toward the end of January 445.

    Attila delivered harsh terms for Anatolius to take back to the Great Palace: 6,000 pounds of gold up front, a yearly tribute of 1,800 pounds of gold (triple the 600 paid prior to and during the war of 440-442), and a price of ten golden solidii for every captive the imperial court cared to ransom, starting with the emperor’s Athenian in-laws. Elements of Attila's horde also continued to dwell in the Diocese of Dacia, and the Eastern Romans did not have the strength to force their departure. Thus before the snows even lifted, Attila could proudly proclaim that he had bested both halves of the Roman Empire within the same decade, a feat no other barbarian leader before him had achieved and which got bishops & other historians in both empires to increasingly refer to him as the frightful ‘Scourge of God’.

    fyU10rt.jpg

    Old Anatolius all but begs the Scourge of God for mercy at a feast featuring his many captives from Athens, including Theodosius' in-laws and a particularly dismayed Scholarch Proclus

    With the Hunnish threat temporarily mollified at great cost, the Eastern Empire was able to fully turn its attention to the Persians, who by now had recovered all the land they’d lost in 435 and were once more marching into Roman Syria. While Aspar and Zeno scrambled to marshal a response, Theodosius sent Anatolius and Anthemius through the Georgian kingdoms and over the Caspian Sea with their own mission: reach the court of the Hephthalites in Bactra, and try to form an anti-Persian alliance with these White Huns. That an alliance with another bunch of Huns just disastrously backfired in his face did not seem to matter overmuch to the Eastern Augustus.

    Irony aside, once they made it to Bactra the Eastern Roman envoys did not find it difficult to incite Khingila[15], the young and dynamic Šao of the Hephthalites, to attack the Persians while they were distracted in Syria. He and his people needed no excuse to go raiding for Persian treasure and slaves, and so they cheerfully struck an accord with Constantinople to once more ravage Khorasan, which they were going to do as soon as they heard of the Shah’s western distraction anyway. The Hephthalites’ help could not have come at a better time, for by the fall of 445 Aspar and Zeno were hard-pressed and had nearly been pushed all the way to Antioch even after they followed in Procopius’ footsteps & built carroballistae to counter the Persian elephantry. The sudden onslaught of a 30,000-strong Eftal horde in his rear (which burned down Merv for their opening act, with Anthemius and Anatolius as observers in Khingila’s court) forced Yazdgerd to redeploy many of the troops he had been sent to attack the Romans, almost immediately relieving the pressure on Theodosius’ field generals just before the year ended.

    ujpGvVu.jpg

    Khingila and his court treat Anthemius & Anatolius to a much more welcoming feast than the 'Black Huns' did

    While the Roman-Persian war heated up with the entry of the Hephthalites, to the east the old Samrat (emperor) of the Gupta dynasty, Kumaragupta[16], scored a rousing victory over the Pushyamitra tribe on the Narmada River toward the end of the rainy season – at the cost of his own life, struck down by a dying Pushyamitra javelineer in his moment of triumph. His eldest son and heir Skandagupta[17], already a highly experienced warrior himself, swore to avenge him by permanently subduing the rebellious Pushyamitras and any who would stand with them or give them shelter from his wrath. As this year ended while he was still marshaling his armies however, Skandagupta’s first notable achievement as Samrat was receiving an embassy from the Liu Song.

    Speaking of the Liu Song, they sent that embassy to India not as rulers of southern China but all of it, for in 445 Emperor Wen finished his grand campaign of reconquest by baiting the allied armies of Western Qin and Northern Liang into a shattering defeat outside Jincheng. At long last the Middle Kingdom had been reunited and Wen could fully turn his attention to internal affairs; in that regard the emperor had big plans indeed, including the completion of a university he had been building since 438 to train scholar-officials and an overhaul of his bureaucracy, supplanting the barbarian chieftains and collaborators imposed by the fragmented and non-Han northern dynasties so as to more smoothly integrate the reconquered provinces. Between Wen’s continued capable rule, the Rourans north of the Great Wall having been appeased, and a handsome and well-respected heir in the crown prince Liu Shao[18], the reunited China under the Song dynasty – from now on there would be no need to affix the family name of ‘Liu’ before it – was set to emerge from the mid-440s in better shape than the other great civilizations of Rome, Persia and India.

    istNfVw.png

    Unlike his perpetually diligent father, Crown Prince Liu Shao was more than happy to while his days away in idle pleasures, especially now that his dynasty had prevailed over all its enemies to reunite China

    ====================================================================================

    [1] Historically Gondioc was indeed the eldest son and heir of Gundahar. He took advantage of the chaotic reign of Valentinian III and later the assassination of Majorian to expand the Burgundian kingdom, eventually claiming Lyons as his capital, and also married Ricimer’s sister late in life.

    [2] Vienne.

    [3] Ancestor and namesake of the Merovingian dynasty which historically first ruled France until 751, and Aetius’ second most notable ally at the Catalaunian Plains after the Goths. Legend had it that his father was not Chlodio but rather a ‘quinotaur’ or five-horned mer-bull, which impregnated his mother Agasela while she was bathing in the sea; since this sea-monster was also described as a fish, and fish happened to be a secret symbol of early Christians, other authors interpreted it as a claim that Merovech and his dynasty were descended from Jesus.

    [4] The Burgundian king who historically succeeded Gondioc, ruling 473-480.

    [5] The third son of Theodoric I, who murdered Theodoric II and usurped his throne thirteen years after the latter had done the same to Thorismund. He was historically one of the longest-ruling, most ruthless and most formidable Visigoth kings, defeating a wide array of enemies ranging from the Suebi in Lusitania to Anthemius’ imperial legions and the Romano-Britons of Riothamus to expand their borders from Algarve to the Loire River.

    [6] The Arlanzón.

    [7] Burgos. Historically, Burgos would not be founded until 884, 440 years later than its founding by Thorismund ITL.

    [8] Toledo.

    [9] Near Meknes.

    [10] A Turco-Mongol title for a general or military governor, subordinate to a khan or khagan. The title was known to have been used by the Hephthalites and Gokturks, among others; as the Huns were quite possibly either a Turkic people or had Turkic elements to their confederation, I think it’s logical for them to use it themselves, as well.

    [11] Attila’s middle son, who historically quarreled with his brothers after their father’s death and aggressively tried to rebuild the Hunnic Empire after their eldest brother Ellac’s disastrous defeat & death at Nedao. In this he failed, and eventually he was killed and his head was sent to Constantinople.

    [12] Attila’s youngest and most obscure son, who seems to have been content to eke out a meager existence in northern Dobruja and so probably managed to avoid the violent deaths of his older brothers. He disappeared from the pages of history after 469, as did what remained of the Huns.

    [13] One of the most prolific Neoplatonic authors, who codified one of the most complex and best-developed systems of Neoplatonic thought and whose works influenced Thomas Aquinas centuries later. He historically succeeded his mentor Syrianus as Scholarch, or head, of the Athenian Platonic Academy upon the latter’s death in 437.

    [14] No actual relation to Tarasikodissa, another Isaurian who historically arose to become emperor and took the same name in 474. This Zeno became Consul in 448 and was a consistent advocate of fighting Attila until his death early in the reign of Marcian.

    [15] The first known ruler of the Alchon Huns, who have been alternatively considered either a tribe of the Hephthalites or a related but distinct people. Regardless of their exact relations, Khingila is the earliest possibly-Hephthalite king whose name is known to historians.

    [16] Historically either the seventh or eighth Gupta Emperor, depending on whether one believes Ramagupta reigned or not. He revered Kartikeya, the Hindu god of war, and was a successful warlord for most of his life, but suffered some serious enough defeats (including against the Pushyamitras) near the end of his reign that his son Skandagupta was credited with restoring the Guptas’ fallen fortunes after his death.

    [17] Skandagupta was the Gupta Emperor succeeding Kumaragupta I, who historically did not die until ten years after the date of his death ITL. He ruled in the mid-5th century and was noted as the last truly great ruler from his dynasty, who defeated all his neighbors and maintained the Guptas’ borders at their greatest extent.

    [18] Historically Emperor Wen’s eldest son was initially described as a promising heir: a handsome man and a good equestrian & archer, but his relationship with his father broke down amid defeats at the hands of Northern Wei until he eventually committed patricide to usurp the throne of Liu Song. ITL however, Northern Wei’s early defeat by Liu Song has gone a long way to preserve the cordial relations between father and son, at least for now.
     
    446-449: Romulus and Remus, united
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    Alrighty, it's been a week and I've had no side effects besides the arm soreness, which I did have for a bit longer than anyone else in my family but finally went away entirely a few days ago. Since then I've been able to complete the latest chapter, so here it comes! From now on I'll be returning to the usual schedule of updating every 3-5 days, and will of course let you guys know (as I did with the previous update) if something's coming up that might cause a delay.

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    446 saw both halves of the Roman Empire continuing to undergo turmoil. In the Eastern half, the war with Persia continued as Shah Yazdgerd was not prepared to give up his conquests so easily, even as he had to redeploy large numbers of troops away from Syria to counter the Hephthalite threat bearing down on his eastern satrapies. For their part, the Eastern Roman legions had already been doubly battered by the Persians and Huns, and thus had to rule out any dramatic offensive to restore the antebellum border at a lightning pace. Instead, Aspar and Zeno spend the year grinding down the Persian garrisons left behind from Chalkis[1] to Callinicum in siege after siege, being constantly harassed by the Sassanids’ Lakhmid allies in the process, rather than crushing the Sassanid army in a grand field battle or two and simply compelling these garrisons to surrender.

    Meanwhile, on the other end of the Persian Empire, in contrast to their new Roman allies the Eftals under Khingila were able to push deep into Sassanid Khorasan and Khwarazm, viciously pillaging and burning cities and the countryside alike as they went, and handily routing or encircling and then crushing the sparse garrisons and small response forces they encountered. At Aria[2], Khingila spared only the Christian townsfolk and their bishop as a favor to his Eastern Roman guests; Anthemius later informed him that these particular Christians were Nestorian heretics, and so neither he nor Anatolius particularly cared if he sought to put them to the sword or carry them off in chains instead, but by that point the Hephthalite king had already made his decision and stuck by it.

    Khingila annihilated the first Sassanid army to seriously challenge his advance at Nishapur on June 10; there his victory was so thorough, and his horsemen so swift in their pursuit, that the Hephthalite army was able to chase the remnants of their Persian adversaries through the city gates and sack Nishapur itself immediately after their triumph on the battlefield. Using convoys of Bactrian camels to transport their supplies, he next crossed the Dasht-e Kavir spanning the central Iranian plateau, and though the Eftals were unable to crack the more formidable defenses of the cities beyond this desert they still managed to raid the Persian hinterland as far as Spahan[3]. It took until the autumn for the Persians to finally begin massing enough troops under the competent leadership of brothers Ashtat and Izad Gushnasp[4], who finally dealt Khingila a stinging defeat in the Battle of Yazd that October. Nevertheless, he defied the Gushnasps’ expectations by executing an orderly retreat across the Dasht-e Kavir before the year ended, even thwarting their attempt to pursue him in a cavalry battle on the eve of a seasonal rainstorm a month later.

    QB7LKP3.png

    Anatolius converses with Khingila, Šao of the Hephthalites, as they retreat eastward near the end of 446

    In the Western Roman Empire, Romanus ramped up taxation and conscription as a continuation of his efforts to rebuild his bloodied armies. While the reforms his father had made to the Western civil service and the administrative ability of Avitus allowed for more thorough tax collection with less embezzlement, obviously neither the tax raise nor the draft were popular with the Roman people and bagaudae activity increased throughout the year. Gaul and Italy, where the increased burdens fell hardest, experienced the most restlessness; Hispania (where the Visigoths had just smashed a major uprising) and Africa (where the Vandals and Moors assisted the Western Roman authorities in maintaining order) remained stable and provided what Ravenna asked of them with relatively little trouble in comparison. Fortunately for the emperor his able lieutenants, Majorian and Aetius, were there to aid him in nipping the brewing rebellions in the bud before they could rally behind seriously threatening usurpers.

    While Romanus and Majorian led the Italian legions in suppressing scattered bagaudae bands in the peninsula throughout the spring and summer (Romanus doing so in the south while Majorian handled rebels in the north), Aetius and Aegidius took the new Hun-trained Gallic cavalry formations raised over the last few years and put them through their baptism of fire in a campaign against Brutus of Augustoritum[5], who was emerging as the most charismatic and successful of the Gallic bagaudae warlords. Aetius’ horsemen fell upon Brutus’ bandits before the latter could finish fortifying his largest encampments near his hometown and crushed them with great slaughter; the rebel chief himself abandoned his men in an attempt to save himself upon witnessing the few defenses he had set up failing, making their defeat a certainty, but was run down and killed by Aetius’ fastest riders. Shortly after this victory these two highest-ranking generals in Gaul also reinforced their friendship with marital ties, as Aegidius’ son Syagrius[6] married Aetius’ daughter Bonifacia before the year’s end.

    In this case and all others, the defeated brigands who had been taken captive were consistently given a stark choice by the authorities; enlist the Western Roman army at half-pay for five years (to be raised to full pay for the rest of their fifteen-year contract if they exhibit good behavior, and of course if they survive that long) or be executed on the spot for treason. Many chose the former option over the latter, allowing the Western Romans to compensate for the losses they’d taken in the first place by having to suppress these bagaudae to an extent. The new recruits they’d gained might be of dubious quality and reliability for obvious reasons, but Romanus and his generals decided this was better than nothing; at worst, they’d at least have some spare arrow-fodder on hand with which they could better preserve their core forces in the inevitable rematch with Attila.

    UVY2yg4.jpg

    Gallic bagaudae attempting to ambush a detachment of Western Roman troops under Aegidius

    Speaking of which, while the Scourge of God basked in the shine of his greatly increased gold tributes from the Eastern Empire, he had not forgotten about the West. Hunnish horsemen raided the Noric and Italic borders fairly regularly, further straining the limited resources Majorian had available to him in these regions, and Attila happily sheltered and recruited those bagaudae bands which managed to slip over the border into Dalmatia while the Western Romans could do little but watch and complain, lest they rouse his ire before they were ready to fight him. The Comes Illyrici did have an avenue of retaliation opened to him by Attila’s own avarice, however; Orestes the Pannonian increasingly chafed at his inability to rise further within the Huns’ ranks, for he was not a particularly skilled warrior or commander and in general had no talents which could impress Attila beyond his literacy, numeracy and fluency in Latin, all of which were useful but did not greatly endear him to a ruler as violent at the core as the dreadful khagan.

    When Orestes requested the hand of one of Attila’s daughters at a feast that autumn, Attila openly laughed in his face and asked if he was jesting; when the flustered bureaucrat responded that he was in fact completely serious, the khagan laughed once more, so raucously that Orestes himself privately noted that he thought the latter was going to die like the Hellenic philosopher Chrysippus. After settling down, Attila admonished him for thinking that he – an insignificant provincial gentleman who couldn’t outride or outfight even Attila’s youngest son Ernakh, and who the Hun warlord viewed as little more than an especially useful freedman – had any chance with any woman of the Attilid clan, and that he should be satisfied with how highly he had risen in Hunnish service already. The deeply drunken prince Ellac heaped insult upon insult, adding that his sisters’ horses would make more realistic husbands for them and that Orestes did not have it in him to satisfy even the meekest of them in bed. The Hun royals laughed further when Orestes departed without dueling or even insulting Ellac back to salvage his wounded pride, as (although they knew that Ellac, even drunk, was more than a match for the Roman bureaucrat) it apparently proved his lack of manliness in their eyes; but in truth the enraged and humiliated Roman turncoat had made his decision to turn his coat back in favor of the Western Empire in that yurt at that moment. Before the year had ended he had begun to secretly work with Majorian, helping the latter to build a spy network in Dalmatia and using his brother Paulus[7] & fellow Pannonian notaries loyal solely to him as his envoys to these new spies, to feed the Comes Illyrici as much information about Attila’s military strength and movements as he could.

    While the West gained Orestes’ allegiance, the East was also able to find their own allies within the Hunnish empire. Theodosius, rattled by the speed and ferocity with which Attila had rampaged against the Eastern Empire, increasingly fell under the sway of the militantly anti-Hun court faction led by his sister and tasked Chrysaphius with finding ways to subtly undermine the Scourge of God, even while still being at war with Persia. Though annoyed at his new directive, the eunuch complied in hopes of regaining his master’s favor and found his job to be easier than he thought, for the khagan had not lightened the burden of tribute on his myriad subjects despite being greatly enriched by his victory over the Eastern Empire – instead continuing to demand the same sums of valuable goods and slaves from them as he always had. Disgruntled chieftains and kings within the Hunnic Empire proved receptive to Chrysaphius’ clandestine efforts to contact them throughout 446; the most prominent of these budding insurgents was Vandalarius[8], the king of the Ostrogoths. Alas, with the geographic divides and rivers of bad blood between them, neither empire cared to coordinate their growing intelligence efforts behind the borders of Attila’s realm.

    KxWDRt9.jpg

    Whether they struck West or East, after 446 Hunnish raiding parties increasingly found the Roman defenders better-prepared for their arrival, as if they had rats in their midst leaking information to their enemies...

    Come 447, Attila decided to take more proactive measures both to further expand his empire and put pressure the Western Romans. He attacked the remaining Germanic tribes between his domain and the Rhine once more, this time with no intent of stopping until he reached the river. The Thuringians, Ripuarian Franks and Alamanni felt his wrath throughout the year, and indeed those few who did not bend the knee or die beneath Hunnish lances & arrows were forced to mass at the Western Romans’ frontier in preparation for an invasion of their own.

    But Aetius led the Western Roman response in such a way that he undercut Attila’s plans. Instead of fighting the Thuringians and Alamanni who began to storm over the Rhine or through the Alps, he advised the Emperor to open negotiations with them and work out a mutually beneficial deal. These barbarians would be temporarily billeted on Roman territory, not quite as contracted foederati under Western Roman suzerainty but as recognized independent allies: their agreement was to last not indefinitely, as was usually the case with the federates’ foedus, but only until their mutual enemy Attila was dealt with, after which they would return to their liberated homelands. All these tribesmen and their families were exclusively settled in border regions: the Ripuarian Franks with their Salian kin in Belgica, the Thuringians in the Rhineland from Novaesium[9] to Borbetomagus where they would be supervised from Augusta Treverorum by the Comes Arbogast, and the Alamanni in the northernmost reaches of Maxima Sequanorum (particularly near the abandoned ruins of Augusta Raurica[10]) and northwestern Rhaetia.

    These arrangements were tested almost immediately. The borderlands settled by the new arrivals were still exposed to Hunnish raids, which Attila of course duly mounted in an effort to drive them further westward and break down Aetius’ scheme. Under the pressure of Hunnish harrying and in search of safer, more fertile lands, the Thuringians and Alamanni tried to leave the lands assigned to them, forcing the Western Romans to fight them toward the end of 447 anyway. Aetius and Arbogast defeated the Thuringians on the Nava River[11] and forced them back to their allotment, where the pair stayed to help them fight off further Hunnic attacks; Arbogast led the Gallic legions and Thuringian federates to victory over a particularly large raid on Borbetomagus that Christmas Eve led by one of Attila’s cousins, Laudaricus[12]. The Alamanni meanwhile were bottled up in the Alpine passes by the Burgundians and Rugians, who were in no hurry to hand over their own territories, and eventually forcefully subjugated by Romanus himself, who took hostages from several of their most prominent clans to assure their loyalty. Only the Ripuarian Franks were generally content, and that was because they were integrating quite easily into the Salians’ ranks, further increasing the latter’s power.

    hsWAXs9.jpg

    Romanus' legionaries attack the Alamanni in the Alps during the winter of 447

    Romanus and his advisers also took the time to come to an accord of sorts with the Romano-British this year. Since it was patently obvious that the empire could not retake Britannia in its current shape and Attila had yet to drop dead despite their fervent wishes, the Augustus decided to instead extend an olive branch of Londinium and officially recognize that the province was lost. In exchange for Romano-British would make commitments to drop their imperial pretensions; to allow an orderly evacuation of the remaining Nicene Christians from Britain with their property intact; and to provide the Western Empire with whatever aid they can against the Huns when the time to do battle with Attila again came.

    For his part, ‘Augustus’ Ambrosius was still struggling to further expand his realm against the native Britons and also had to contend with not just mounting Irish raids (mostly from Leinster to Cornwall and Dumnonia) but also the Saxons, who first crossed into his lands and pillaged as far as the half-rebuilt walls of Lindum in July, and so he was receptive to Romanus’ terms – in these circumstances he had no chance of pursuing his father’s and grandfather’s imperial claim anyway, and he absolutely did not want to have to worry about another Western Roman invasion while he was battling his many enemies in Britain. So on November 27, 447 members of the Western Senate and the Consilium Britanniae watched as their rulers signed the peace treaty in Rotomagus, after which Western Roman chroniclers and officials ceased referring to Ambrosius as a rebel and began to instead treat him as a foreign monarch bearing the title Riothamus[13] – the Latin translation of the Britonnic Rigotamos, or ‘great king’, which his indigenous vassals had been calling him since he subjugated them and which he had now adopted for himself in place of Augustus.

    Out east, Constantinople managed to finally bring Ctesiphon to the peace table this year. Aspar and Zeno evicted the last Persian troops still on traditional Roman soil by the end of July, even soundly thrashing a significant Sassanid-Lakhmid army near Amida with the help of their own Ghassanid allies. Around the same time, Khingila renewed his offensive in the east and defeated an even larger Persian army at Tus[14], where the Eftals even captured Yazdgerd’s eldest son and crown prince Hormizd[15] after he foolishly charged too deeply into their lines. This defeat brought the Shahanshah to his knees and forced him to sue for peace: in the west the Eastern Romans and Persians restored their old pre-420 border, allowing the latter to retain Nisibis (which Aspar had been unable to recapture) in exchange for an immediate payment of 2,500 pounds of gold and an annual tribute of 500 more pounds of gold, spices and bolts of silk. The Hephthalites were the big winners of the war, getting to keep all of their territorial conquests – Bactria, Sakastan, Khwarazm and large parts of Abarshahr and Hyrcania – and also acquiring a massive ransom of 7,000 pounds of gold and 1,000 of Yazdgerd’s most prized slaves, mostly eunuchs and concubines, for the safe return of Hormizd, followed by a yearly tribute of 1,000 pounds of gold bullion to keep them at bay.

    Even further east, 447 proved to be another triumphant year for the Guptas. Skandagupta completed his war of vengeance against the Pushyamitras, comprehensively crushing them across the length of the Narmada River and even capturing their king (who he used as a footstool for several months before finally executing via elephant). Those Pushyamitra tribesmen who were not felled by Gupta blades and arrows sought refuge with the Vakatakas, a Brahmin dynasty hailing from the Deccan Plateau who were the only major obstacle still standing in the way of total Gupta rule over central India. Naturally, the Vakataka raja Pravarasena II’s[16] decision to shelter these Pushyamitra refugees (no doubt in hopes of using them to shore up their own army against the Guptas) provided Skandagupta with a convenient casus belli against them.

    2oByEEI.jpg

    Skandagupta having a difficult time deciding whether to execute the Pushyamitra king via elephant or tiger

    In early 448, Attila grew suspicious toward Orestes after Majorian began to effectively counter Hunnish raids into Italy and Noricum, to the extent that it seemed the Western Romans had foreknowledge of where and how many raiders would be striking each time – which, of course, they did thanks to Orestes. To deflect suspicion, the wily Pannonian outed Vandalarius of the Ostrogoths as a traitor, having procured evidence of the latter’s communications with the (Eastern) Romans through his bureaucratic position; he could not care less about the Ostrogoths’ importance to the Eastern court’s schemes, being concerned solely with not getting arrested and put to a torturous death by the Scourge of God at this point. Vandalarius for his part could not disprove the allegations, backed as they were with a trove of messages from Constantinople’s spies, so he instead challenged Orestes to a duel to prove his innocence; however Attila had flown into a rage at the revelation and stepped up to fight Vandalarius himself, smiting the Ostrogoth king with his Sword of Mars and having his corpse quartered so the pieces could be sent to every corner of his empire.

    After killing Vandalarius, Attila’s first instinct had been to exterminate the Ostrogoths, but as they were the largest and most important of the subordinate tribes under his rule he decided to instead assure the loyalty of the former’s heir Valamir[17] by taking his brother Videmir[18] as a hostage in the Hunnish court and also claiming their sister Ildico[19] as his newest concubine. Since his bedding of the latter went smoothly without any lethal incidents, despite his wounds from the duel with her father and heavier-than-usual drinking that night, Attila next turned his sights on the treacherous Eastern Romans – his failing raids against the West and suspicion of Orestes temporarily forgotten amid his fury at the East’s scheming to turn his vassals against him – and after claiming their annual tribute, sent the emissaries who bore it to him back to Emperor Theodosius with a blunt message: ‘the Scourge of God is coming for you’.

    The Huns struck even before this diplomatic party had returned to Constantinople, obliterating Singidunum and Sirmium in their opening attacks so thoroughly that few ruins were left standing after each whirlwind of violence. Attila’s horde burned and pillaged their way as far as Thessalonica before turning east toward Constantinople, devastating yet more cities and towns in their path and completely annihilating every legion sent against them down to the last man; the Huns took no prisoners for ransom this time, but instead struck off every Eastern Roman’s head to add to the ghastly trophy collection their khagan intended to present to Theodosius. Zeno the Isaurian’s own head was added to the pile when he was killed and his army almost totally wiped out in the Battle of Adrianople that August – his co-commander Anthemius, who had just become father to his first daughter with Licinia Eudoxia days before, escaped that same disastrous defeat by the skin of his teeth.

    lqREHPW.png

    Attila and his sons driving Valamir and the Ostrogoths before them, so that they might serve as arrow fodder against the Eastern Romans

    Attila laid siege to Constantinople from the end of August onward, staking most of the thousands upon thousands of heads (many having rotted until only the skulls remained by this time) before his camp to intimidate the defenders and catapulting the other heads over the Theodosian Walls with the onagers he was building, and also calling upon Theodosius to come forth and fight him man-to-man: the Eastern Augustus, in probably the single wisest decision he had made all his reign up to that point, elected to cower in the Great Palace instead. Attila spent the next three months first on trying to cut the city’s waterborne supply routes, but the Eastern Roman navy easily sank every ramshackle fleet he put together and resupplied Constantinople by sea day after day; since this failed, he decided to once again aggressively try to break through the Theodosian Walls in a series of assaults, from escalades and onslaughts with siege towers to ramming attacks on the gates to night-time tunneling efforts, putting all he had learned from Eastern Roman engineers in the past to use against his former teachers.

    Not once did Attila succeed in breaching Constantinople’s defenses, but in the end, he didn’t even have to do that to prevail. Theodosius’ nerves frayed a little bit more with each bloody assault on the walls and each volley of severed heads into the city; he finally cracked after a 15,000-strong relief army under Aspar and the Gothic mercenary general Arnegisclus[20] was kicked back over the Hellespont by Attila’s two eldest sons at Callipolis[21] on November 14, after which the emperor began to ask for terms. At first it seemed nothing would sate Attila short of the emperor’s own blood, but by mid-December the khagan had ‘graciously’ moderated his demand to another 6,000 pounds of gold up front and the handover of whoever was responsible for intriguing with Vandalarius in the first place. Chrysaphius managed to frame a dozen unfortunate minor officials, bureaucrats and eunuchs with Theodosius’ own connivance (he was after all still the emperor’s favorite eunuch), and when Attila left he also left these twelve men crucified before Constantinople.

    Heaping injury upon injury, the Scourge of God creatively interpreted his agreement with Theodosius to mean he’d only leave Constantinople itself; his Huns continued to roam across the Diocese of Dacia, northern Macedonia and western Thrace while their subject tribes began to squat in these lands, with the Scirians of Edeko[22] in particular settling in Dacia (where they established their capital in the ruins of Naissus) and Macedonia while Sclaveni (Slavs) from the northernmost reaches of the Hunnic Empire were among those who settled in Thrace. When the court of Constantinople demanded to know why the Huns were still occupying their territory, Attila bluntly replied that treachery begets treachery: why should he honor his word with a pit of vipers that offered him tribute with one hand (after he twisted the arm attached to that hand) while trying to stab him with the other? If the Eastern Romans so badly wished to make him honestly live up to the terms of their peace, they were welcome to try to enforce it, if they dared.

    chYtPcm.jpg

    An equestrian of Dardania kneels before his new Scirian overlord

    Attila’s decided lack of magnanimity in victory, which recalled the haughty words of Brennus when he first sacked Rome nearly a thousand years before, outraged virtually everyone in Constantinople. Pulcheria, Paulinus, Anthemius and the rest of the militantly anti-Hun faction were now firmly ascendant over that of Chrysaphius; even the eunuch himself, humiliated and discredited by the recent disaster, was now set against Attila. The only problem all involved had was that the Huns had just proven that the Eastern Empire could not defeat them on the field, at least not alone, and that Vandalarius’ death had understandably dampened any other prospective rebel’s enthusiasm for a Roman alliance, making it much harder for them to weaken the Huns from within as Chrysaphius had initially tried. Pulcheria persuaded her purple-clad brother, who was seething at Attila’s embarrassing victory over himself but also too terrified to fight the Huns head-on again, of the need to reconcile with the Occident – at least long enough to eliminate their mutual enemy in the Huns.

    In this same year Skandagupta went to war with the Vakatakas, citing their provision of refuge to the Pushyamitras as his cause. The vastly larger Gupta army defeated its Vakataka adversary all along the southern banks of the Narmada over the spring and summer, then drove south to Nandivardhana[23] and sacked the city just days after Pravarasena II and his family fled ahead of their advance. Pravarasena himself and the rest of the Vakatakas were now willing to cede much of their northern territory to the Guptas and also hand over the surviving Pushyamitras, who had proven far less helpful to their war effort than they’d promised; but Skandagupta had gotten the impression that the Vakatakas were weak enough for him to subjugate entirely and so instead demanded their total submission, which they were not willing to give. Thus did this war in central India continue on.

    As 449 dawned, the Eastern Roman court decided that the latest christological controversy would provide the perfect cover for their attempt at rebuilding bridges with the West, which had spent the entire past year loudly laughing at the Orient’s misfortune while quietly continuing to rebuild their strength. A certain archmandrite (high abbot) named Eutyches was so offended at the fallen Patriarch Nestorius’ teachings on the nature of Christ that he drove into the opposite extreme and spent the past decade preaching that Christ had only one nature – a perfect and total fusion of his divinity and humanity – which also rendered the Messiah inconsubstantial with mankind, something which orthodox dyophysites perceived to be a denial of Christ’s human nature. He had garnered enough of a following, particularly among the Egyptian Church, that the Emperor could now justify convening an ecumenical council to address his position, which Theodosius did starting in February of that year. Time was generously allotted to the Western bishops to attend this synod, which was to be held in Ephesus (like the earlier one which had condemned Nestorius) and presided over by Patriarch Flavian of Constantinople, known to be a zealous dyophysite and critic of Eutyches himself.

    While bishops from Lutetia to Nikiou[24] and even Vagharshapat in Armenia gathered to debate the nature(s) of Christ once more, Patriarch Flavian and the Eastern imperial court worked to sway Pope Leo to their side and get him to work as their intermediary with the Western court. Through the Bishop of Rome, the Eastern and Western Romans hammered out terms for their cooperation against Attila as spring turned to summer and summer to autumn: the chief issue of contention, Illyricum, would be split in a way that mostly favored the Occident, as the Orient agreed to concede the Diocese of Dacia to them ‘in perpetuity’ while retaining only the Diocese of Macedonia out of the entire prefecture. To further mend bridges between the two Romes a betrothal was also arranged between the Western Caesar Honorius, now nearly fourteen years old, and Theodosius’ one-year-old granddaughter Euphemia.

    The Second Council of Ephesus itself reinforced this sense of renewed (however fleeting) Roman unity. With the support of both imperial courts, the dyophisitic united front presented by the Latin and Greek patriarchates prevailed over the monophysite-sympathetic Egyptian one: two weeks before Christmas the Council denounced Eutyches as a heretic and monophysitism as a heresy, and further reaffirmed the dyophysitic position that Christ had two natures, divine and human, coexisting in a perfect and inseparable hypostatic union – that he was simultaneously ‘truly God and truly man’ at his core – in addition to the usual condemnations of Arianism and other earlier heresies[25]. Although the Egyptian clerics were able to accept the first decision, however reluctantly, they perceived this new 'Ephesian' definition of the Savior's nature as a direct attack on the miaphysitic position of the late Cyril of Alexandria, which held that Christ had one nature with unmixed human and divine aspects.

    This outcome enraged Dioscorus, the Patriarch of Alexandria and champion of the miaphysites, who incited a mob of both miaphysites and monophysites to try to forcibly reverse the Council’s judgment; however two legions under Anthemius who were on standby to prevent such an outcome violently dispersed the mob and arrested the Egyptian Patriarch, after which the Council spent its last days deposing Dioscorus for heresy on top of his more obvious violation of the law and looking for an appropriately orthodox replacement for him. Though Chrysaphius had been sympathetic to the monophysite position himself and allowed Dioscorus to believe he’d back the mob, the eunuch ended up allowing the Egyptian to fail for the temporal ‘greater good’ of facilitating an anti-Hun alliance between East and West. No others immediately challenged the Council’s decision, with even the Armenian clergy present (who were previously inclined toward the monophysite position) having come round to it over the months, hence why they elected not to support Dioscorus’ actions – and why the Persian government increasingly viewed them with suspicion for apparently aligning with the Roman authorities[26]. However, the Church of Egypt continued to oppose the Ephesian creed and refused to recognize Dioscorus' Ephesian replacement, effectively entering into schism with the rest of the Roman Church.

    5v3inZl.jpg

    Dioscorus of Alexandria animatedly debating supporters of the dyophysite orthodoxy in the presence of Theodosius & Aelia Eudocia, some months before he decided more aggressive tactics were needed to win the argument

    Meanwhile, the Western bishops returned to Ravenna not only to publicly give Emperor Romanus there the good news, but also to privately inform him of the East’s terms for an alliance against Attila, which he grudgingly assented to (despite his own complete lack of any positive sentiment toward Theodosius) in light of the threat the Huns posed to them both. Now the two Romes stood united again by blood (or rather the promise of it, to be fulfilled in fourteen or fifteen years’ time) and creed, however briefly and even if only for the sake of convenience, and hurried to prepare for another major confrontation with their mutual scourge.

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    [1] Qinnasrin.

    [2] Herat.

    [3] Isfahan.

    [4] The Gushnasps were historically among the named leaders of the Persian army which defeated a major Christian Armenian rebellion at Avarayr, 451. Some sources indicate they were brothers, others that they were father and son instead.

    [5] Limoges.

    [6] Syagrius historically preserved his father Aegidius’ autonomous Gallo-Roman realm, centered on Soissons, for twenty-four years after the latter’s death (and ten years after the demise of the WRE itself) before he was defeated by Clovis of the Franks. He initially fled to the Visigoth court, but was handed over to Clovis for execution by the Gothic king Alaric II by no later than 494.

    [7] Historically Paulus led the last Western Roman army in an ill-fated defense of Ravenna, and with it the rule of his nephew Romulus, after Orestes had been killed by Odoacer.

    [8] Known to have been the father of Valamir, who was historically the king of the Ostrogoths from 447 to 465, and thus the maternal grandfather of Theodoric the Great (Valamir’s nephew through his brother-in-law Theodemir).

    [9] Neuss.

    [10] Augst.

    [11] The Nahe River.

    [12] Noted to be a kinsman of Attila’s in the 511 Chronica Gallica, he was historically killed in the Battle of the Catalaunian Plains.

    [13] ‘Riothamus’, as noted, was the Latin translation of a term that meant ‘great king’ to the native Celtic Britons. Historically a Romano-British warlord called Riothamus led an army over the Channel to assist Emperor Anthemius against the Visigoths in 469-470, but was defeated and possibly killed by the latter’s king Euric in the Battle of Déols. It is unclear whether Riothamus was actually his name or just a title, as it is ITL for Ambrosius.

    [14] Near Mashhad.

    [15] Historically the Shahanshah from 457 to 459, this Hormizd was usurped by his own brother Peroz with the help of the Hephthalites.

    [16] The historical king of the northern branch of the Vakataka dynasty between 420 and 455, Pravarasena was also Skandagupta’s cousin (his mother was the princess Prabhavatigupta, the latter’s aunt) and seems to have parlayed his dynastic ties to the Guptas to assure peace between their realms. However, near the end of his reign he took a more hostile stance against his northern neighbor, and appears to have tried to back a usurper against Skandagupta.

    [17] Eldest son and successor of Vandalarius as one of the earliest attested kings of the Ostrogoths in Hunnish service. He fought for Attila at the Catalaunian Plains, probably stood among the rebel tribes at Nedao, and died in a riding accident while responding to a Scirian raid in the anarchic years following the Hunnic Empire’s collapse brought about by the latter battle.

    [18] A younger son of Vandalarius’, who co-ruled the Ostrogoths with Valamir and was also present at the Catalaunian Plains but appears to have predeceased the latter.

    [19] Historically Attila died from a nosebleed on the night of his wedding to an Ostrogothic princess bearing this name, whose relation to the ruling Amali dynasty is unclear. As you can see, for this timeline I’ve settled on making her a daughter of Vandalarius.

    [20] A Gothic general who led the Eastern Roman army in the hard-fought Battle of the Utus in 447 and fathered Anagast, another general in their service. Historically, it was he who died fighting the Huns around this time rather than Zeno the Isaurian.

    [21] Gallipoli.

    [22] The father of Odoacer and his less-known brother Onoulphus, who ruled the Scirians before them and most likely fought for Attila at the Catalaunian Plains. After Attila’s death, he joined the Gepids and other rebels at the Battle of Nedao and was later defeated by the Ostrogoths at Bolia.

    [23] Near Nagpur.

    [24] Zawyat Razin.

    [25] This is pretty much the polar opposite of what happened at the historical Second Council of Ephesus, which was a victory for the Monophysite faction (thanks in large part to Chrysaphius rigging it in their favor every step of the way) and even included a mob led by Patriarch Dioscorus of Alexandria deposing & fatally injuring Flavian of Constantinople. That council was denounced as a ‘robber synod’ by Pope Leo, nearly causing an East-West schism and necessitating the Council of Chalcedon two years later which reversed all of its judgments and imposed the Chalcedonian Definition; ITL, the Council of Ephesus has instead come to the same conclusions Chalcedon did and shored up East-West unity at the cost of antagonizing Egyptian Christians.

    [26] Historically the Armenian bishops were present for the 2nd Council of Ephesus but not the Council of Chalcedon, on account of being embroiled in a major rebellion against Persia in 451. That was the primary reason why they eventually chose not to follow the latter church council’s judgments, though they did not make this decision until a century later.
     
    450: Roma, O Roma
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    The middle decade of the century began not with a fiery, furious explosion nor even a deadly whisper, but the scurrying of two rats. Shortly before winter turned to spring and the snows melted to uncover the growing grass, Orestes’ treachery was found out despite all the efforts he had undertaken to deflect Attila’s dread eye onto the Ostrogoths after – of all things – a case of mistaken identity, where one of his spies handed a handwritten report concerning a planned Hunnish raid on Emona[1] to the identical twin of a Dalmatian spy in Majorian’s service. Unfortunately for the Pannonian, this twin was actually a notary in service to Attila, having joined the khagan for much the same reasons he did (survival, wealth and power) and secured a comfortable posting for himself from which he could administer the western parts of what used to be Roman Dalmatia. Unwilling to rock his own boat, this collaborator promptly reported the message to Attila, who then connected the dots between the increase in failed raids on the Western Empire and Orestes’ convenient revelation of Vandalarius’ own treachery.

    When Orestes heard that Attila wished to ‘consult with him on certain important matters’ not from a messenger, but a troop of armed soldiers standing outside his villa by Lake Pelso, he figured the game was up and immediately tried to flee. As he was outnumbered 20:1 by the Hunnish soldiers sent to arrest him and they had surrounded his residence, he did not get further than five steps before being knocked down, beaten and bound in chains by them. Only the wrathful khagan’s intent to personally and excruciatingly kill him over at least a week for his betrayal prevented them from simply gutting him then and there. However, as the Huns rode back toward Attila’s mobile capital (which at this time was located east of Aquincum), they were waylaid by Orestes’ brother Paulus and the dozens of bucellarii bodyguards he'd hired. The Pannonian pair next immediately fled to safety beneath Majorian’s wing in Noricum that spring, avoiding settled areas and not daring to show their face to any Hun – not even after Attila had his sons burn down their family villa and massacre the servants they had left behind there in an attempt to draw them out.

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    Paulus the Pannonian coming to his brother's rescue

    Once Orestes and Paulus reached Majorian, the Comes Illyrici sent them onward to Ravenna, where they were received into the Western imperial court by Augustus Romanus. When messengers from the court of Attila arrived to demand the slippery Pannonian brothers be handed over for his harsh judgment, Romanus decided that – between his rebuilt forces, new barbarian federates, and alliance with the Eastern Romans – it was high time for civilization’s fateful rematch with the Hunnish savages by protecting these men, though he did not personally like the turncoats for he knew they only joined him after Attila stomped on Orestes' ambitions. The Hun envoys returned to Attila, who by then had moved his residence southwest toward the old Dalmatian border, with an answer Romanus had chosen to recall the defiant words of Leonidas the Spartan nearly a thousand years prior: 'Come and take them.'

    However, as Romanus called the war machine he’d spent the last few years frantically rebuilding and his Eastern allies into action, unforeseen problems emerged to thwart his initial plans for a rapid two-pronged assault on and victory over Attila’s realm. The first was that the first son of the Visigoth king Thorismund was born early this spring: however the experience was a harrowing one for both mother and child, even by the standards of Late Antiquity, and for a week it seemed that neither the feverish Queen Leudesinda nor the sickly newborn boy would survive. As the medicus was unable to improve either of their situations and his own Arian confessor grimly informed him that he’d at least be able to reunite with them in Heaven, after four days Thorismund turned to the Hispano-Roman cleric Severian, Baurg’s Ephesian (as adherents to Roman Christian orthodoxy were now called after the Second Council of Ephesus) priest for help, and swore on the latter’s Bible to abandon his heresy if God delivered his family from death’s grasp.

    For the next three days the king spent nearly all of his waking hours in the Ephesian church, praying on his feet or on his knees with or without Severian at his side, rarely eating or drinking and yet constantly sweating heavily due to his great anxiety. In the end, their prayers were answered; Leudesinda’s situation began improving while the royal child, though still weak, had lived longer than the medicus dared to hope and no longer seemed to be in imminent danger of death. Whether this was a genuine divine miracle or simply a bout of luck with nature, the overjoyed Thorismund kept his word and immediately arranged for his baptism into the Ephesian orthodoxy, soon to be followed by that of his wife and little Roderic (as he’d named his new son and heir). But though this was considered a miraculous sign of the rightness of their cause by the Ephesian clergy & Hispano-Roman majority (both within and outside of the Visigoths’ new domain) and obviously an occasion of great personal importance to Thorismund himself, the conversion did not sit well with the Arian Visigoths, not many of whom immediately followed their king’s footsteps. Many of the more hard-line Arians openly flocked to the side of Thorismund’s brother Euric, and they refused to follow Thorismund when he received Romanus’ summons. Until that situation could be resolved, whether with intimidation or a clash of arms between the Balti brothers, the Visigoths’ fighting strength was essentially paralyzed.

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    Thorismund's Hispano-Roman subjects welcome his conversion - alas, the same could not be said of many of his Visigothic ones

    Regardless of the lack of Visigoths in his army, Romanus knew he had already cast his dice when he refused to hand Orestes and Paulus over to Attila, so he committed to the offensive in hopes of throwing the Huns off-balance. At first the Western Augustus had good reason to be optimistic: he, and his army (largely comprised of Italian legions and the remnants of the Dalmatian ones, as well as substantial Gallic and Hispanic elements) were welcomed as liberators in Tarsatica[2], then swatted aside the first Hunnish response led by Ellac and Dengizich outside Senia[3] and divided – Romanus and Majorian continued down the Dalmatian coast, once more raising the chi-rho above town after town, while Aetius took much of their cavalry (including all of his vaunted Hun-trained Gallo-Romans, and the few actual pro-Bleda Hunnish exiles themselves) and gave chase to the sons of Attila northward to secure the Western Romans’ flank. Though outnumbered both times, he still defeated all three of them twice more, first at Andautonia[4] and then again at Aquama[5].

    While the Occident was making its initial advances into Hunnish territory, the East too rumbled into action. With the Sassanids recently defeated and impoverished by both their crown prince’s outrageous ransom and the need to pay the Eftals tribute, Theodosius had felt safe in moving much of his military strength to the Hunnish border. Once the spring rains began to abate Aspar, Anthemius and Zeno launched a large offensive from Thrace and Macedonia to drive the Huns back to the Danube, defeating the Hunnic army under Attila’s last living uncle Oebarsius[6] and Edeko the Scirian in the Battle of Stobi on May 1; Oebarsius laid among the fallen by the day’s end, while the Scirians and Thracian Sclaveni were forced back to the Danube in the aftermath of this defeat. Attila’s tarkhans Onegesius and Skottas[7] were also defeated at Scupi a few weeks later, allowing the Eastern Romans to recover almost all the territory they had lost to Attila in short order.

    But as spring turned to summer and Attila marshaled his forces for a massive counteroffensive, a sudden crisis brought the Eastern Romans’ movements to a screeching halt. Theodosius II unexpectedly died from drunkenly stumbling down the stairs soon after watching a chariot race on May 29[8], leaving no sons or brothers to succeed him: at the time of his death, the last of the male Theodosians was 49. Anthemius, as the husband of his only living child Licinia Eudoxia, was the most obvious candidate to succeed him – but Theodosius had refused to officially designate him (or anyone else) the Eastern Caesar, no doubt resentful at how such a gesture would be an implicit admission that he could not father another son, and Aspar had plans to put someone more pliant than the energetic and strong-willed Anthemius on the Eastern Roman throne.

    While Theodosius’ corpse was still cooling, Anthemius hurried back to Constantinople from the Danubian front as Patriarch Flavian, Paulinus & the women of the Theodosian dynasty openly backed his claim to the vacant Eastern throne, and Aspar & Chrysaphius plotted to put the former’s subordinate Marcian[9] in purple instead (Aspar was tempted to seize it for himself, but was aware that he – an Arian Christian – would never be accepted by the urban mob of Constantinople). To achieve this outcome, they sought to seize control of the capital with three legions whose legates they’d bribed, waylay and murder Anthemius before he reached Constantinople, and force Pulcheria to marry Marcian at swordpoint so as to give him a dynastic claim on the Theodosians’ throne. Nothing went quite according to plan: the legionaries mutinied against their officers at the passionate exhortation of Flavian & Paulinus (the latter was promptly stabbed by one of the treacherous legates in the ensuing fracas, and did not live to see his killer lynched by the loyalists minutes later), Anthemius tore through the Alan mercenaries Aspar had hired to ambush him in the Thracian countryside, and Aelia Eudocia and Licinia Eudoxia had Chrysaphius arrested after a rival eunuch denounced him as the engineer of this failed coup.

    Aspar survived partly due to his strength and the respect he commanded among the Eastern army (making his removal impossible without risking a civil war or his defection to the Huns, both of which Anthemius understood to be certainly fatal developments at this time), and partly by blaming Chrysaphius for everything, ensuring the eunuch’s immediate execution – much to the especial delight of the Dowager Empress, who had had no choice but to put up with her late husband’s increasingly blatant affection and favoritism toward the fallen cubicularius until now. Marcian – who had not even been aware of the plot being orchestrated to crown him emperor at all – successfully begged Anthemius for mercy, sufficiently persuading the new emperor to spare his life and instead banish him to distant Cherson for the rest of his days[10]. But the confusion over Theodosius’ succession still paralyzed the Eastern Empire for several chaotic weeks, at a point in time where both they and the Western Romans absolutely could not afford it.

    gVzqoL7.jpg

    Dowager Empress Aelia Eudocia and her daughter, now Empress Licinia Eudoxia, eagerly observing the execution of Chrysaphius

    In the east, the Hunnish counteroffensive was led by Ellac, reassigned by his father from the front with the Western Romans. Leading a swift all-cavalry force of 8,000 Huns over the Danube, the prince added the mostly-infantry armies of the Scirians and Sclaveni to his host before setting out to confront the Eastern Romans. Aspar consciously withdrew in the face of this offensive, claiming the Huns’ power was too overwhelming for him to deal with – but the truth was that he feared a crackdown from the new Emperor Anthemius more, and sought to preserve his forces precisely to secure himself from Anthemius’ wrath or to outright fight a civil war if need be. The Alan’s decision left his fellow front-line generals Arnegisclus and Anatolius outnumbered and with huge gaps in their positions, predictably allowing Ellac to crush them throughout the summer and early autumn; and obviously, when Aspar did decide to fight, he did not have the strength to oppose the Huns on his own without first securing other advantages, like favorable terrain.

    Arnegisclus was slain in the Battle of Arsa[11] by the Scirian prince Odoacer[12], Edeko’s eldest son, while Anatolius beat a hasty retreat into the Rhodope Mountains. By the time of Anthemius’ proper coronation in the fall, the Eastern Romans had not only lost all of their reconquered territories, but lost even more ground in Macedonia and Greece to the Huns: Ellac had failed to capture Thessalonica, true, but his army had ravaged the land as far as Thebes in the south and Adrianople in the east, practically splitting the Eastern Romans’ Balkan dominion in three parts – Constantinople and southern Thrace where Anthemius himself held the line, Greece which was being defended by Aspar, and a small island of safety around Thessalonica protected by Aspar’s Gothic brother-in-law and fellow general Triarius[13]. Ellac had established his own headquarters at Lychnidus[14], after first sacking it of course, but equally importantly the Scirians (once they were done utterly laying waste to the countryside) had returned to their homesteads in Dardania and settled new ones in Thessaly; the Slavs did the same in the provinces of Moesia Secunda and Scythia Minor, though for now Marcianopolis and Odessus[15] still stood to block their settlement further south.

    Whatever the Huns were doing to the East still threatened to pale in comparison to the fate being visited upon the West, where Attila’s true hammer-blows were falling. The enraged khagan did not, in fact, pummel Romanus and his legions in Dalmatia to a pulp first; but whatever relief the Western Emperor may have felt soon dissipated when he received distressing news from Aegidius in Gaul. A massive horde of Huns and their subject nations had crossed the Rhine on the eve of summer, estimated to number 40,000 strong: though of these only about 10,000 were actual Huns, the rest being a mixture of various Germanic allies (Gepids, Heruls, Thuringians & Alamanni), nevertheless they were led by the Scourge of God himself. Aegidius himself and Count Arbogast had tried and failed to hold the tide back at Mogontiacum, barely escaping with their lives and 2,000 of the 12,000 men (a mixture of Gallo-Roman legionaries and local Thuringian federates) they had assembled for the battle.

    In turn the Huns did not simply sack the now-defenseless Mogontiacum. The horde positively annihilated the Germanic frontier city – they massacred the entire male population as well as the elderly and sickly who would have been of little value as slaves, carried the women and girls off in chains, and razed the city itself to its foundations, leaving no stone unturned to the extreme that it was difficult for survivors to tell where the city limits even were afterward. A fate almost as harsh was meted out to Augusta Treverorum, Arbogast’s own seat where the local bishop was burned alive in his church, then Borbetomagus and Divodorum, and then more & more cities as they marched southwest-ward.

    Vs5F8y0.jpg

    The Huns depart from Mogontiacum

    Meanwhile Aegidius and Arbogast had separated in the Western Roman retreat: the former constantly fell back toward Lutetia in the face of this onslaught, well aware that he had no chance of victory in the field and instead spending most of his time out of the saddle frantically calling for help from Italy & Hispania, while the latter had fled to the court of his less-civilized fellow Franks, where King Chlodio had just died and his son Merovech’s claim to the succession was being challenged by his brothers and cousins. Arbogast took the side of Merovech, who the Romans considered to be the legitimate heir, and after saving his life from an assassination attempt during a hunt that summer, aided him in turning the tables a week later: the new Frankish king had compelled several of his cousins’ retainers into confessing their masters had been the ones to spring the assassination plot under torture, then publicly accused, arrested and executed these treacherous kinsmen of his at the banquet where they served up the kills from that hunt. The rest of his rebellious kin cowed for the time being, Merovech agreed to assist the Western Romans, not that he had much choice – a large detachment of pro-Hun Germanic warriors, mostly Gepids and Thuringians led by the former’s king Ardaric[16], had splintered off from Attila’s main horde to devastate the Frankish federate lands and was driving on Tornacum where he’d set up his court.

    To counter Attila’s onslaught, Romanus had given Aetius leave to ride back to Gaul with most of their cavalry, including all the Gallo-Romans whose homes were now threatened (or already destroyed) and the Hun exiles: this was clearly no feint to get them out of Dalmatia, as they had originally thought, but the actual main thrust of the Hunnish horde. Aetius had some more good news as he hurried back west: Thorismund had challenged Euric to a duel to settle their differences and defeated him, and though he’d stopped short of killing his zealously Arian little brother, he had broken the latter’s left hand & leg in the fight and asserted his supremacy over all the Visigoths regardless of creed. The Visigoths were still largely reluctant to follow their king either in faith or to battle, and in any case they did not have much manpower to give after the tribulations of the past decades – Thorismund marched to join Aetius at Arelate with only 2,500 warriors and another 2,500 Spanish legionaries – but the magister militum was happy for all the help he could get.

    The stage was quickly set for a confrontation around Lutetia, which Attila’s horde besieged starting on July 20 but whose walls and gates had still held thanks to the courage of the outnumbered defenders and the morale-boosting prayers of the nun Genovefa[17] (whose own hometown, Nemetacum[18], had already been leveled by the onrushing Huns). Aetius arrived south of the River Sequana on the morning of July 30 with about 20,000 men, only half that of the Huns: he had with him the 7,000 horsemen he’d initially taken to Dalmatia, the 5,000 Iberian troops under Thorismund, Aegidius and 4,000 Romano-Gallic legionaries who had joined him at Augustomentum, and another 3,000 Burgundian & Alamanni federates. But help was on the way: Ardaric had rejoined the main Hun army the day before his arrival, and all knew it was because the Franks under Merovech and Arbogast had previously thwarted him in battle at Atuataca Tungrorum[19]. Now those Franks were hurrying southward to Aetius’ aid, and as Arbogast had persuaded Merovech to bring the full might of his people to bear for this occasion, they formed by far the largest single surviving army on Rome’s side in Gaul – numbering almost 20,000 strong themselves, even after fighting the Gepids.

    With Aetius already in sight, the Huns resolved to vanquish him before the Franks could arrive, then turn around to deal with Merovech and Arbogast – splitting their forces to try to deal with each enemy army separately did not seem worth the risk. Aetius for his part knew he had to hold out until the Franks arrived, and so invested all of his considerable military expertise into halting Attila’s furious attacks. For nine hours the Western Romans fought for the crossings of the Sequana while the defenders of Lutetia pelted the Huns with arrows, javelins and eventually pieces of rubble, and the Huns for their part kept attacking in an effort to break through. The Hunnish army was large enough that they could afford to detach two great columns of cavalry to cross at points the Western Romans did not have the numbers to cover, one upriver and one downriver, which they did three hours into the fight. Two hours later they converged on the Western Roman army’s flanks, and despite Aetius’ efforts to counter them with his own horsemen, the latter were too heavily outnumbered to force the Huns back.

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    Ardaric leads the Gepids in a frontal attack on Aetius' defensive formation as the sun sets

    Bit by bit the Western Romans were forced to give ground, their discipline and experience allowing them to maintain formation as they gradually fell back under Hunnish arrows and lances. In the most tragic highlight of the day for their side, Aegidius was fatally wounded by a Thuringian spear as he tried to manage the withdrawal of his contingent and rapidly expired in the arms of his son Syagrius, who then took up his father’s standard and completed the retreat in a remarkable display of his own steely nerves & those of their men. Aetius’ own Hunnish bodyguards, Optila and Thraustila[20], gave their lives to protect his as he rallied the despairing legions around the labarum. By sunset the Western Romans had lost all the river crossings and took up a circular formation as the Huns and their allies completely surrounded them on a hill to the south[21], grimly determined to mount a last stand just barely within sight of Lutetia’s highest towers.

    But it was then that Arbogast, Merovech and their 20,000 warriors finally arrived to restore hope to Aetius and Sister Genovefa both. Proudly proclaiming “Day has come again!” against the setting sun, Arbogast led their cavalry contingent – comically insignificant compared to that of the Huns at only 1,200 strong, a mix of Merovech’s mounted champions and nobles on one hand & the Romano-Frankish survivors of Augusta Treverorum on the other – in a charge into the Huns’ rear which, while quickly repelled by the sheer numbers of Alamanni and Heruls in the Hunnish reserve, distracted Attila from finishing off Aetius’ army and gave Merovech time to form up his tired (though far less bloodied) infantry for battle.

    Encouraged by the Franks’ arrival and Arbogast’s sudden attack, Aetius rallied his men for an attack in all directions against the distracted Huns and Teutons around them. Still the Huns were determined to put up a fight, and it may have been an even one were it not for two developments: first the Alamanni, being the newest and most reluctant of Attila’s subjects, took their chance to quit the field and in so doing kicked off a rout – and second, a stray arrow struck the Scourge of God in the throat in the early hours of twilight, and the terrible discipline which had held his horde together fell from the saddle with him.

    mwVHeHx.jpg

    Arbogast of Trier smites a Herulian champion who dared get in the way of his dramatic charge

    When the sun rose the next day, Lutetia was safe and the Hunnish horde had dispersed, many of its Teutonic auxiliaries having fled in all directions while the Huns themselves were killed almost to the last man between the Western Romans and Franks. Aetius was hopeful as he surveyed the carnage and his men looted the bodies: could it be that they’d broken the power of the Huns and killed Rome’s deadliest enemy since Hannibal in one day? But his hope turned to horror when three legionaries brought him the corpse of ‘Attila’. Though bedecked in finery fit for a king and the armor of the khagan himself, he recognized the intact face of the corpse was not, in fact, Attila’s! It bore a certain passing familiarity to his former ward, certainly, but that was because it was the face of Laudaricus, the warlord’s cousin. And if Attila were not here, that could mean only one thing…Aetius immediately sent a warning to the Augustus in Dalmatia, but there were 670 miles between Lutetia and Andautonia; it would take the messenger over a week to get there even while riding on Roman roads with no obstructions, and given the circumstances, that week may as well have been an eternity.

    While Aetius had been fighting the Battle of Lutetia against a man he thought to be the Scourge of God, the real Attila had sprung his main offensive against the Western Romans in Dalmatia and Italy. With him came his younger sons, Dengizich and Ernak, and also the single biggest army the Huns had ever put on the field: over 50,000 strong, this horde included 20,000 Huns – a concentration of virtually all of their remaining warriors – and another 30,000 subject auxiliaries, several thousand of whom were Ostrogoths under Valamir but mostly Sarmatian peoples such as the Alans or more exotic (for Europe) tribes from the furthest reaches of Attila’s empire, such as the Akatziri[22]. Romanus initially thought he could stop Attila in Dalmatia, but he thought better of it following Majorian’s urging caution and reports from his scouts of just how huge the Hun army was. The Western Roman army retreated to Aquileia, where Romanus believed they could safely await reinforcements from the Rugians, Burgundians and Aetius.

    Attila proved him wrong in a matter of weeks. Not long after the emperor had received word from Aetius of the Western Roman victory at Lutetia and Attila’s survival (as if he needed to be told the latter!) the Huns’ vanguard reached his doorstep, led by the Akatziri chieftain Karadach[23]. These he and Majorian turned back in the First Battle of Aquileia on August 5; but this was barely an inconvenience to the main body of Attila’s horde, which arrived ten days later. No matter, Romanus thought, for the Rugians were due to arrive on that same day; but the Romans had not been the only ones to employ spies in their foes’ ranks. Hunnish agents in Rugiland had persuaded Flaccitheus, already fearful of the power of Attila, to switch sides with the promise of being allowed to settle as far as Ravenna, for it seemed to him that victory against the army Attila was bringing down on Italy was impossible. So when the Rugians did show up, just as the Western Roman lines threatened to buckle before the furious charges of Attila’s lancers in the Second Battle of Aquileia, it was not to reinforce them but rather to attack them from behind.

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    Emperor Romanus furiously exhorts his flagging legionaries to hold their ground, though the Huns are surging against them from the front and treacherous Rugians have fallen upon their rear

    The calamity that was the Second Battle of Aquileia resulted in the destruction of Romanus’ army and the fall of Aquileia, which was subjected to even more thorough destruction than what Laudaricus had visited upon Mogontiacum months before. Attila’s wrath and determination to crush Rome once and for all this time was so great that he took no slaves, but rather ordered his men to kill every living being within the city: not even farm animals or the vermin were to spared, but rather heaped up in great piles alongside the human denizens. Only a handful of citizens survived by fleeing to nearby lagoons to the southeast, where the Huns could not easily follow[24]; there they also found the few hundred ragged survivors of the Western Roman imperial army and Majorian, who had tried to rescue his friend the emperor from the carnage outside Aquileia, only for the latter to die of his wounds during the retreat. For the second time in 10 years a Roman emperor had died in battle, and at the hands of the same barbarian warlord no less.

    While Majorian requested sea transport from Ravenna and the treasurer Avitus arranged a coronation ceremony for fifteen-year-old Honorius II in the aforementioned capital, Attila proceeded from the smoking ruin that was once Aquileia onto Italy proper. The marshes and stout walls around Ravenna deterred him from attacking the seat of Western imperial power, true – but the rest of northern Italy was not so lucky. Mutina[25], Placentia[26], Arretium[27], Perusia[28] and Ariminum[29] were among the cities devastated by the Scourge of God as he advanced toward Rome itself, while no army remained in Italy that could possibly have even slowed him down. The countryside was not spared his ravages either, as idyllic villas were sacked and hamlets razed by the oncoming Huns; rich or poor, strong or weak, Senator or equestrian or serf, it did not matter – all who had the misfortune to be living in Attila’s path were made equal in the grave or in Hunnish chains.

    igv565H.jpg

    The defenders of Arretium attempt a valiant but doomed sally against the Hunnish horde

    In Rome itself panic had set in, for the hundreds of thousands of citizens there had become well aware they were the target of Attila’s fury as soon as word came that Ravenna was safe. Pope Leo encouraged resistance, telling the people to trust in God if they did not trust in the strength of the Aurelian Walls, and insisting that help was on the way; but even when he was proven correct when messengers from Carthage arrived to inform him and the Senate that the Vandals and Moors were preparing to cross into Italy to save the heart of the empire, too many remained lost in despair, convinced that this help could not come quickly enough to thwart Attila’s inevitable attack. The Roman Senate instead heeded the words of Petronius Maximus[30], who declared that Rome ‘obviously’ could not defeat Attila and that he could deliver them from the fate which had befallen Aquileia and so many other cities: on October 1 they refused to recognize Honorius II as his father’s successor and instead acclaimed Petronius Augustus, as they had Priscus Attalus 32 years before. Pope Leo denounced them for this act, but had neither the strength nor time to topple Petronius himself.

    Petronius immediately opened negotiations with Attila, who deigned to treat with him as if he were truly the Western Roman Emperor and not young Honorius II, and seemed to start his reign off to a great start by getting Attila to temporarily stop his advance at Ferentium[31] north of Rome. The usurper returned a week later with exciting news: Attila had promised he would not do unto Rome what he had done unto Aquileia and to instead redirect his wrath against the line of Stilicho in Ravenna, if only the Romans would let him into their city as a mark of their new friendship. This ended about as well as anyone not named Petronius Maximus could figure a few weeks later, as the gates were indeed ordered open by Petronius: the Pope countermanded that order, and most of the garrison had the sense to obey him, but not the men at the Salarian Gate[32]. Attila’s horde promptly rushed in to subject the Eternal City to its first sack in nearly 900 years.

    Attila upheld his agreement with Petronius in the loosest sense: he did not allow his warriors to completely destroy Rome and kill all its people as he’d done to Aquileia, but instead directed a more ‘conventional’ sack in which the horde stripped Rome of every valuable they could find, committed significant but not all-destroying property damage, and took far more citizens away as slaves than those they left as corpses. Of course, that’s not to suggest the sack was bloodless: the Huns killed anyone who tried to resist whether they be ordinary citizens, Christian clergy or the braver soldiers of the city garrison. In their zeal for plunder the Akatziri contingent also (apparently accidentally) set a large slum on fire, killing thousands more.

    Petronius himself and his immediate family were spared – Attila personally reprimanded his son Dengizich when the latter thought to lay hands on the usurper’s wife Lucina – but were left under no illusion that the Huns considered them hostages with which to barter with Ravenna. Attila also took Pope Leo hostage, for the Hun king thought the old patriarch of the West could most effectively persuade the Romans to let him leave Italy unchallenged, and in exchange for the Pontiff's collaboration he spared the four great basilicas around the city & those Romans sheltering within them; the same privilege was not extended to Rome's other churches, temples or the old Pantheon. Finally Attila assembled the Roman Senate in the Flavian Amphitheater and demanded they bow to him as suzerain over the emperor they chose: a few souls who chose this time to find their courage and refuse were promptly trampled to death on the arena floor by Hun horsemen.

    tKFJtzk.jpg

    Attila's pillaging warriors galloping and celebrating their spoils before Vespasian's Temple of Peace

    While the Huns spent the winter months helping themselves to & resting amidst Rome's wealth, Aetius had returned to Ravenna with what strength he still had after the Battle of Lutetia, plus an additional 6,000-man contribution from the Burgundians who were hoping to avenge their old king Gundahar. The African army initially planned to sail to Ostia, but after they were made aware that this would mean sailing to their deaths, kings Caecilius and Fredegar instead changed directions and set a course for Ravenna. Finally, as the year’s end approached and Attila began marching back north, unexpected support came from the East: despite his own troubles, Anthemius decided that he had to take this chance to trap and crush Attila in Italy, and leaving Anatolius and the patrician Studius[33] to hold Constantinople, he sailed for Ravenna with all the Anatolian, Armenian and Syrian legions (and even a small contingent from the client kingdom of Lazica) he’d originally been amassing at the Hellespont to fight Ellac. It was with these forces that the court of Honorius II hoped to confront Attila early in the next year and make him pay for his innumerable outrages, the sack of Rome last and greatest of them all.

    ====================================================================================

    [1] Ljubljana.

    [2] Rijeka.

    [3] Senj.

    [4] Zagreb.

    [5] Čakovec.

    [6] Youngest brother of Octar, Rugila and Mundzuk, who was reported to still be alive as late as 448.

    [7] Two brothers who were prominent lieutenants of Attila’s. The Eastern Romans tried to bribe Onegesius to join them around 449, but he refused despite still counseling a Roman-friendly course to his overlord.

    [8] Historically, Theodosius instead died in July from a riding accident.

    [9] The historical Eastern Emperor from 450 to 457, best known for convening the Council of Chalcedon and actually managing to defeat Attila’s Huns in 452.

    [10] Sevastopol.

    [11] Stari Ras.

    [12] Historically the infamous conqueror of the Western Roman Empire, who slew Orestes and toppled his underage son Romulus Augutulus in 476. He ruled as ‘King of Italy’ until 493 under the suzerainty of the Eastern Emperor Zeno, in the process making an alliance with the Senate and subjugating the Rugians of Noricum, but was eventually defeated and killed by the Ostrogoth king Theodoric (also at Zeno’s incitement), who also massacred his family and close followers.

    [13] A distant cousin of Valamir and the Amali dynasty who fathered the Thracian Goth warlord Theodoric Strabo, but was otherwise wholly overshadowed by his more famous relatives and in-laws.

    [14] Ohrid.

    [15] Varna.

    [16] The first Gepid king known by name to history, Ardaric was present at the Battle of the Catalaunian Plains and also led the coalition of anti-Hun rebels to victory at the Battle of Nedao in 454, killing Ellac and shattering Attila’s empire once and for all.

    [17] Saint Genevieve, patron of Paris whose prayers were said to have rallied the people of Lutetia/Paris when they were inclined to flee instead and to have forced Attila to move on to Orleans in our timeline.

    [18] Nanterre.

    [19] Tongeren.

    [20] These were the only two of Aetius’ bodyguards known to us by name IRL, as they are ITL. Historically they avenged his murder at the hands of Valentinian III by hacking the emperor to death at the instigation of Senator Petronius Maximus, who then usurped his throne.

    [21] Approximately modern Montparnasse.

    [22] A tribe of pastoralist nomads known to be under Hun suzerainty around this time. Their ethnicity is uncertain, but they were quite possibly a Turkic people who may or may not have been related to the later Bolghars and/or Khazars – the latter is what I’m going with for this TL. Historically the Eastern Romans tried to gain their allegiance and incite them to revolt against Attila, but failed.

    [23] Historically, Karadach foiled the Eastern Romans’ plot to flip the allegiance of the Akatziri and was greatly rewarded by Attila for it.

    [24] Venice, which historically (as is the case here) first became prominent after Aquileia’s decline thanks to Attila.

    [25] Modena.

    [26] Piacenza.

    [27] Arezzo.

    [28] Perugia.

    [29] Rimini.

    [30] Historically emperor for a few months in 455, Petronius Maximus was a Senator who had Valentinian III murdered after the latter raped his wife Lucina (getting two bodyguards of Aetius, who Valentinian had personally killed a few months before) and usurped the purple. He married Valentinian’s widow Licinia Eudoxia and broke his new stepdaughter Eudocia’s betrothal to the Vandal prince Huneric to legitimize his position, but this aggravated the Vandals into sacking Rome and he was killed by a mob while trying to flee ahead of their wrath three days before the city’s fall.

    [31] Now part of Viterbo.

    [32] The same gate Alaric used to sack Rome in 410 IRL.

    [33] A nobleman who served as Consul in 454 with Aetius, whose only other notable act was founding the great Studion Monastery (destroyed twice, first by the Fourth Crusade and then again by the Turks) in what’s now the Fatih district of Istanbul.
     
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    Enemy of God
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    Near Falacrinum[1], January 31 451

    “So they have come in their thousands – savages, murderers, rapists, defilers and all manner of outcasts, gathered under the dread banner of the so-called Scourge of God and determined to lay waste to all that is good and proper on His earth – to give battle here and now.” Flavius Aetius grimaced as he surveyed the massive Hunnish army arraying for battle before him. He had done well in ignoring Attila’s feints to trick him into thinking the Huns were marching directly up the Via Flaminia or through Etruria – the circumstances leading up to and aftermath of the Battle of Lutetia had been a painful lesson on why seeing through his archenemy’s tricks was so important – and did better still in picking the battlefield: the combined might of the Roman Empires and their barbarian federates, headquartered at the village of Falacrinum where Emperor Vespasian was born 400 years prior, was now assembling at the feet of the Sabine Mountains, a strong position by any reckoning.

    Still, the scouts were clearly telling God’s honest truth when they reported that the Huns still outnumbered his and Anthemius’ men; the horde below them seemed as numerous as the pebbles on the mountain above, dark dots beyond counting which amassed into a single great shadow that only seemed to grow ever larger as they fanned out and formed up for combat. For all his decades of experience and numerous victories, including that great one over the Huns and their Teutonic slaves he’d just won half a year before, the magister militum was still human and he’d be lying if he claimed he was not feeling even a smidge of that very human emotion of fear in this moment. Majorian the Comes Illyrici must have picked up on the signs of subtle trepidation in his face or voice, for the younger man replied in the most reassuring tone he could muster, “Yes, so they have. But we have the strength to match, and a righteous cause to bolster our soldiers’ spirits besides.”

    “Indeed! The Lord must have brought us all together in this moment for a reason.” The new Eastern Augustus, Procopius Anthemius, added with a note of forced cheer from his saddle to Aetius’ right, as if he were trying to convince himself as much as the Western Romans. “He has already humbled us and shown us the errors of our ways with the defeats inflicted upon us over these past ten years, as He once did with the recalcitrant Israelites, culminating in the sad sack of that great city of sin which defied its Bishop even when he tried to save them from the wrath of the Huns. Now with any luck, He will have been moved to pity and chosen to stand with us as He did the Judges who delivered those Israelites from their foes in the olden days. With His help and that of His saints, let us work to strike the accursed Attila from the Earth to-day!” Aetius had turned to look directly at the Eastern Emperor with narrowed eyes at the mention of Rome’s recent sacking. Stout and dark-haired, with skin bronzed by years of campaigning beneath the Mediterranean sun or the deserts of the Orient, he nevertheless could not deny that this Anthemius affected a regal posture expected of an emperor in his bearing.

    Sadly, the same could not be said of his own emperor. Flavius Honorius Augustus Secundus rode atop the white steed between them, a lanky fifteen-year-old whose dark curls and complexion favored his father Romanus and grandmother Galla Placidia over his red-haired Visigoth mother, and whose beardless face was presently visibly ashen with fear at the massive enemy army unfolding below them. “You all speak of hopes and prayers, and I welcome as many of both as I can hold in my heart. Yet I note that none of you speak of any certainty of victory over this dread horde before us…” With one hand the young Western Augustus pulled his purple cloak more tightly about himself as if to shield his person against not just the winter chill but also the fear he was feeling, and the gilded muscle cuirass & ridge helmet he was wearing seemed like bad jokes rather than the war attire of a proper emperor: the oversized toys of a rich child playing at war rather than an underage emperor about to face his first baptism of blood and iron, whether he was ready for it or not.

    “Great lord, I am sad to say that victory is virtually never certain even under the best-seeming of times. And this, to be frank, is not one of those times.” Aetius advised, still grim and stony. “A general who begins battle believing his victory is assured no matter what comes, is more likely than most to feel the sting of defeat instead. ‘Tis best to instead always proceed into battle with caution, never once letting your guard down when the enemy can still pull one more trick on you, and to fight as ferociously as you might in your last and most desperate battle.”

    “That said, honored Augustus, you will find no finer set of hands around you for a fight such as this.” Majorian added in an attempt to soothe his fallen friend's son and heir. “I, General Aetius, your imperial cousin – all of us have fought and prevailed over the Hunnish scourge before. We have the high ground, siege engines from Ravenna, and numbers which nearly equal the hordes of Attila, and he is further slowed by the vast train of plunder and captives who I am certain – as certain as a man can be of anything in this world we live in – we shall liberate from his yoke before this day is over. The victor will be decided by God, as always, but I assure you that we are as prepared to achieve it as humanly possible.”

    At these words of advice and encouragement Honorius II exhaled and seemed to take heart, for he sat a little straighter in his saddle and his expression grew less glum. A few moments passed in silence before his eyes narrowed again however, this time at a solitary black speck rapidly riding toward them. “What is this? Does Attila the Accursed think so little of Rome that he sends a lone warrior to attack us?”

    “A messenger come to taunt us, more like.” Aetius grumbled. And indeed as he approached it became clear that this was no assassin or champion, but an unarmed envoy covered in dark furs. “O Romans! My master Attila – son of Mundzuk, favored of Heaven, king of this world and suzerain over Rome – bids you all welcome to your graves!” The messenger cried out, doubtless leering as he did. “But in his mercy he says there is no need for you to fill it just yet, unless you have indeed tired of living and insist on doing battle with him. He is prepared to not only spare your lives but also to leave your lands: through me he has extended an invitation to parley with him and to share in his bounty of food and drink, not all of which he lifted from Rome, in his tent below this mountain.”

    The white-cloaked candidati bodyguards bristled at the insults just as their employers did, though Anthemius was quicker to respond than either his Western counterpart or Aetius. “We are not all as mutton-headed as that fool Petronius Maximus! Your master’s word is worth less than the nightsoil of Constantinople, this I knew from his occupation of my people’s lands even after we agreed to his terms, years before he treacherously sacked the heart of the civilized world.” The Eastern Emperor was so incensed at the Hun’s taunts that he drew his sword and pointed it at the latter, now fully shouting, “If Attila has anything of worth to say, let him come up the mountain himself and say it to our faces rather than communicate through a slave! Go return to your vile master with these words, cur, before I strike your head off for your insolence!”

    The messenger must have expected a hostile response such as this, for rather than continue the exchange of insults he harrumphed and retreated back down the slopes. “Well said, cousin mine. I must admit I did not have the presence of mind to reply to that scoundrel’s taunts as eloquently as you did.” The junior emperor had said to his senior as the Hun’s silhouette disappeared, to the latter’s amusement. But that amusement soon turned to bewilderment as a large party of men emerged from the great host below and began to ascend the mountain themselves. It would seem Attila was either confident enough in his strength or sufficiently trusting in either the Romans’ sense of honor or self-preservation to actually come and talk to them on their chosen ground; Aetius’ money was firmly on the former. Too bad those ballistae and onagers the magister militum had built in Ravenna were still being carefully brought down the mountainside, or he’d have opened fire on the blasted Huns with them immediately.

    As the Huns approached it became apparent that their party was by far more numerous than the Romans’, so much so that it deterred Anthemius and Aetius from ordering an attack without their artillery. Evidently Attila was well aware of his reputation for treachery and sought to avoid being taken by surprise himself. The opposing warlord was as physically unimpressive as Aetius remembered: broad-chested and big-headed but shorter even than many Roman women, with dark narrow eyes, a flat nose and a mouth that seemed to be locked in a perpetual scowl or sneer set on his swarthy face, and wearing a long thin beard whose ink-black color was turning to gray in places[2]. A man who knew Attila less well than Aetius did might well have failed to deduce that this was the great and terrible Scourge of God at first glance.

    But while Attila drew the attention of most of the gathered Romans, Aetius included, it was the man riding beside him who got Majorian to initiate ‘talks’ between their parties. “Accursed traitor!” The Comes Illyrici bellowed at Flaccitheus the Rugian, the much taller and seemingly more intimidating straw-haired giant at Attila’s side. “You still dare to show your face before me after you drove a dagger into Emperor Romanus’ back at Aquileia, savage?! For him and all the citizens of that city, put to the sword because of your treachery, I swear to God I will not allow you to leave this valley alive!”

    “Ah, Majorian – you survived the carnage that day, I take it?” The Rugian king rumbled back in halting, accented Latin, looking decidedly unamused. “I regret nothing, Roman, and what I did at Aquileia I would do again without hesitation! Against the might of Attila there can be no victory, then or now – only fools who care not a whit about their people would still dare stand before him!” As Majorian and Flaccitheus exchanged hostile words, Aetius took note of the other men around Attila. There were tawny-haired Alans armored in gilt scales or lamellae; Huns whose armor was obscured beneath their riding furs; captains of other subject peoples from the furthest East such as the Akatziri, Utigurs and Kutrigurs[3], who bore a strong resemblance to their overlords; and least enthusiastically of all the golden-headed Ostrogoth king Valamir, whose stature and silver eyes lent him a resemblance to his redheaded Visigoth counterpart Thorismund. A slightly shorter but similar-looking man riding next to him, unbound but also unarmed and unarmored, must have been his brother Vidimir, who Aetius had heard was being kept as one of two hostages (along with their sibling Ildico) to ensure Valamir’s loyalty.

    While Attila himself did not immediately react to Flaccitheus’ words and Majorian’s long face reddened with rage, it fell to the son of the man who he killed with treachery to respond. “My tutors taught me many things about the Teutons; not all of it flattering, but one thing they have all impressed upon me is that yours are a brave and warlike people, even over-bold!” Honorius II shouted, to the surprise of Aetius and Anthemius both. Had the boy been preparing a speech just in case he ran into his father’s killer? Or perhaps that very Roman drive to avenge one’s family was just as strong in the line of Stilicho as it would be in any ‘pure-blooded’ Roman family. “But from your words and deeds, I see the Rugians are the exception which proves the rule. I cannot imagine my uncle Thorismund of the Goths, the Vandals, or the Franks - all of whom proudly stand with me today - being so quick to cravenly kneel before the Hun and assail their allies from behind as you did!”

    “Ah-ha! You must be his son…” Flaccitheus scoffed, even as he moved one hand down to his sword. “Do try to avenge your father if you can, brat. Perhaps I will pick my teeth with that little sword of yours, after I pry it from your cold dead hands – “

    “Hold, enough!” Attila snarled, raising a hand to silence Flaccitheus – and incredibly the latter, though twice his size, did indeed fall silent in that instant. Honorius himself noted that the king of the Huns had a much deeper and more intimidating voice than he could’ve guessed from his less-than-impressive physical appearance. “I did not come all this way so that my lieutenant can exchange insults with you Romans in my place. Direct whatever retorts you can think of at me, if you dare!” The emperor(s) could further note that he spoke Latin more-or-less smoothly, having been exposed to Roman influence from a young age, though his words were still marred by his strange accent. “But first, heed my words: I am, for once, prepared to honestly negotiate my exit from your blighted lands!”

    “Negotiate?” Anthemius scoffed, and Majorian and Anthemius both laughed harshly. The Eastern and Western Romans had not agreed on much these past few decades, but here and now they were fully united over this one issue: Attila the Hun, that scourge to both their empires, could not be allowed to leave Italy alive. “Return the captives and plunder you have seized, Attila the Accursed, and disband your armies before proffering your neck to my headsman’s ax – and we promise your death will be swifter and cleaner than you deserve. Those are the terms I and Honorius Secundus here offer you, monster!”

    “If you had been this bold when first we fought, O perfumed Augustus of the soft and decayed Orient, perhaps I would not have dared transgress against you and your people as I have!” Attila snapped back, his thin mouth twisted into a cruel sneer. “But as entertaining as I find us volleying insults at one other to be, I would prefer to stop wasting my time in the snow here, so listen to my earnest business proposal if you’ve still any sense: if you would be so kind as to get out of my way, I will free your High Shaman from his bonds and hand over that fat fool Petronius Maximus for your judgment and leave your lands unmolested for ten years. I will not even demand that you offer me tribute, child – “ He pointed at Honorius, though it was difficult for the boy-emperor to notice the gesture at this distance, “For, after what I have done to your empire’s namesake, I doubt you have much to give me anyway.”

    Honorius gritted his teeth but looked to Aetius or Anthemius again rather than respond on his own, the fire in him having apparently burnt out after his exchange with Flaccitheus. Taking his cue, the magister militum roared back before the Eastern Emperor could, “Hah! We shall indeed free the Bishop of Rome from your clutches and also judge the imbecile who thought to usurp my master’s throne for the maggot he is – once we scatter your host to the winds and fish them both out of your camp! It is as the Emperor Anthemius said before to the slave you sent us, Attila: truly your word is worth less than the contents of Rome's or Constantinople’s sewers. And we are well above dirtying ours hands with such filth!”

    As these words were carried down to him by the mountain air, Attila laughed and turned to issue a command to one of his tarkhans in the Hunnish language, and the latter rode for the rear ranks of his escort at once. Still smiling maliciously, he cried out to the Roman party, “You are smarter than you look, old man! Still, if you will not trust my word, then what of the word of that High Shaman of Rome you hold in such esteem? Allow me to present to you the lone man with a spine I have found in your Eternal City – your Pontiff, Leo Primus!” The officer he conversed with before returned to his side, but not alone: he led another man, cloaked entirely in black, on a mule with a rope tied around his wrists.

    Aetius sucked in a breath, for he knew what was coming even before the tarkhan whipped that cloak off the other man, and sternly cautioned his overlord, “Whatever happens – whatever His Holiness may or may not say in the next few moments – it is imperative that you do not respond, honored Augustus, nor rise to whatever provocation Attila may conjure up. This is a far more obvious trap than his Gallic feint last summer.” Honorius nodded mutely as the cloak was removed from Attila’s prisoner below: it was, as feared, Pope Leo, though at least the aged Bishop of Rome seemed unharmed and his clerical vestments were not torn or even dirty. It would appear that the Successor of Saint Peter managed to have enough of an effect on Attila, even in captivity, that the Hun king dared not harm him beyond binding his wrists. Regardless, now the khagan turned to look expectantly at his prisoner, knowing that the latter’s words were his best bet at winning a bloodless victory here.

    But instead, the Pope immediately disappointed Attila with his words. “Fellow Romans, sons of the Eternal City! I implore you to not listen to a thing this savage Enemy of God says, for he does not treat with you in good faith and intends only the destruction of Roman civilization! By God it is imperative that you fight and defeat him today, imperatores, lest he return to finish his black and bloody work tomorrow! Fight to your last breath and trust that God and His angels will give you victory, that is all the counsel I can give you!”

    The infuriated khagan drew his infamous Sword of Mars at the Pontiff’s defiant instructions. “Old fool! We had an agreement – I would spare you and those who sought shelter in your temples, and in return you were to help me leave Italy without expending more of my strength or risking my booty.” He hissed, waving the bloodstained blade in Leo’s face. “Do you hold your own life and those of your flock in such little regard that you dare mock me like this?”

    “Only an utter idiot like Petronius Maximus would make a bargain with you and think to keep it, Attila, when you have kept none of your own.” Pope Leo retorted, his voice dripping with much hostility and not an iota of fear. “My life was forfeit as soon as you darkened Rome’s streets with your presence, this I knew; I have no reason to expect you wouldn’t simply kill me as soon as we rode past the ruin you left of Aquileia. Better that you should send me to our Maker with a martyr’s crown rather than as some sniveling slave, spending his last moments on this fleeting earth begging for his life.” Turning back to the emperors and generals who gazed upon him with despairing eyes, knowing his death was imminent after offending Attila so, he cried out, “God be with you all!” Before the khagan struck, separating his silver-bearded head from his shoulders with one furious stroke of the Sword of Mars.

    Though they saw it coming moments before, the ruthless killing of the unarmed highest cleric in the West still left the Roman party aghast. Aetius still recoiled, Majorian cursed, and Anthemius and Honorius both were startled by the martyrdom of the Patriarch of the West. “Your prelate was right in that I’ve not kept faith with your people in my dealings, but that changes now…” Attila began while the Romans still sat in stunned silence, his previously mocking voice and movements now animated by a dark fury instead. “Hear my words, for they are the last that you will hear from me: I swear that, as the sky above is a desert, so too shall Rome below be! Never-mind departure from Italy: I shall turn my host around, here and now, to raze to the ground what little I had previously left of your Eternal City in misguided mercy! In a fortnight I shall not leave even two stones atop one another. In Aquileia I exterminated even the rats; in Rome I will be sure to leave not even the flies alive to feast on your people’s corpses! May Heaven strike me dead if I should shy away from shedding every drop of Roman blood!”

    As Attila’s party returned to their own lines, Honorius II – fueled by the vigor of his youth, now turned to wrathful purpose – was the first of the Romans to overcome his shock at Leo’s slaying and snarl at the candidati, “Loose your arrows on those barbaric murderers!” But Aetius raised his hand and countermanded that order before those imperial bodyguards armed with bows could nock their arrows. “Hold fire! My lord, can you not feel the fell winds blowing against us? Thanks to that, at this distance our arrows will not reach them, while theirs can certainly reach us.” No sense of honor motivated Aetius’ decision, for Attila had marked himself beyond even a shadow of such things with his callous murder of the first-among-equals of the patriarchs; only pragmatic recognition of the battlefield conditions.

    Honorius fumed, mutinous at being denied his foolhardy first instinct, so it fell to Majorian – who was trying to keep himself from openly shaking with anger – to articulate his line of thought instead. “I acknowledge that it may not be the soundest tactical decision, but clearly we must attack immediately. You all heard it from the mouth of this Enemy of God himself: he intends to return to Rome and utterly destroy it. We cannot let him reach the city at any cost!”

    “I would wager that’s what he wants.” Anthemius replied, as delicately as he could while grinding his teeth in his own anger and frustration. “You yourself recognize that such a course of action would be folly, Illyric Count. We have a strong defensive position here in these foothills; the Huns would love for us to leave the shadow of the Sabine Mountains and engage them below, where their numbers – and especially the numbers of their horsemen – give them the advantage.”

    Before Honorius or Majorian could retort Aetius cut in, his old face scrunched up with determination. “The artillery I have brought from Ravenna’s workshops will give us the best of both worlds. These winds prevent our archers from simply shooting Attila down, as I have said before; but that is not true of the onagers and ballistae, whose projectiles can cut through the fiercest gale by their sheer weight. By firing those from the foothills we stand in, we can force them to come to us. We need only time to deploy them.” As he turned to return to his lines he drew his sword, snarling, “Regardless of our tactical choices however, I believe we are all in agreement on this count: Attila the Hun cannot be allowed to leave the field of battle alive.”

    ====================================================================================

    [1] Modern-day Cittareale. Specifically the Romans and Huns have gathered to do battle beneath Monte Pozzoni, source of the River Velino (Avens/Velinus), on the edge between Lazio & Umbria.

    [2] Paraphrased from a description of Attila’s looks by the Eastern Roman historian Jordanes.

    [3] Ancestors of the Bulgars and probable relatives of the Huns, these Utigurs and Kutrigurs were known to have fought the Byzantines and Avars throughout the 6th century.
     
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    451: Vengeance is Mine, says the Lord
  • Circle of Willis

    Well-known member
    When 451 began, so did the arduous march of the Roman legions – finally reunited at Ravenna – on to their fallen Eternal City, from which the Huns were leaving so they could replenish their ranks and divide up their massive amount of spoils back home. Initially they followed the trail of devastation the Huns had left down the Via Flaminia, but Aetius changed directions after his Hunnish and Visigoth exploratores[1] began reporting Hunnish troop movements not just up that same road from Rome but also through the countryside of Etruria and Umbria. Anthemius thought to intercept the departing Huns by Lake Trasimene in the former but Majorian suspected the khagan was instead maneuvering through the latter, and to the Romans’ great fortune an especially stealthy Romano-Hunnish scout found that only the force going into Umbria was being trailed by the gargantuan train of plunder & slaves from Rome, allowing him and the magister militum to prove to the Eastern Emperor that Attila was actually withdrawing through Umbria instead. By the end of January it became apparent that they had made the right choice: the Huns’ attempts at misdirection had failed and the Romans blocked their true route of retreat in the Sabine Mountains.

    The confrontation between the two great hosts opened with what could be very generously interpreted as an attempt at parley. In truth the Hun and Roman leaders exchanged insults and threats before Attila pulled up Pope Leo to talk his co-religionists into letting the Huns leave, only for the Vicar of Christ to instead exhort them to fight Attila to the death and promptly get beheaded on the spot. Infuriated by the martyrdom of their highest bishop, the Western Romans committed to an attack as soon as they finished bringing their siege weapons (painstakingly assembled in Ravenna over the earlier winter months when Aetius and Honorius II had little to do but wait for Anthemius) down the mountainside, with the Eastern Romans following in hopes of forcing Attila to fight rather than return to Rome to finish it off as he threatened.

    It took a while for the Western Romans to set up their artillery, but fortunately the sheer size of the Huns’ army and baggage train gave them the time they needed. For Attila, turning around his behemoth host – considerably outnumbering the united Roman army at over 60,000 strong with the addition of the Rugians, and already arraying for battle when he changed his mind – was not something that could be done instantaneously, and leaving his equally huge amount of slaves and loot behind was not an option, further slowing him down. The Romans began flinging ballista bolts, rubble and flaming shot (both burning clay pots of pitch and hollow logs full of charcoal) down the foothills of the Sabine Mountains before the Huns could extract themselves from the valley below, and while these projectiles mostly just impacted the Hunnish front line, they forced Attila to make at least a cursory attempt at responding.

    Deciding to shed many of his subject peoples while personally making his way back to Rome with the Hunnish horsemen, Attila ordered the Rugian, Ostrogoth and Alan warriors in his army to begin fighting their way uphill while he continued the withdrawal, leaving behind his middle son Dengizich with 3,000 Huns to stiffen them. These barbarians made little headway against the Roman and federate lines on the foothills, which were well-prepared for a fight on their favorable terrain, but nevertheless they demonstrated great courage and ferocity even after being mauled by Roman artillery fire, arrows and plumbatae long before they could close in for melee combat. Given the odds however, Attila never expected them to actually win, and they did not: the Rugian contingent was the first to break, routing after Majorian slew their prince Feletheus[2], and the rest soon followed. Dengizich was unable to stem his father’s subjects’ downhill rout and in fact fled ahead of them, while the Romans – their fury inflamed by the Pope’s martyrdom – pursued and slaughtered thousands of their fleeing foes without mercy into the wee hours of the next morning.

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    Majorian clashing with Feletheus in the Battle of Falacrinum

    The Alans, being mostly cavalry themselves, sustained the fewest casualties; the Rugians, who the Romans hated above the rest of the Hunnish confederation’s subjects for their treachery, were almost completely destroyed. Flaccitheus himself was captured and presented to Honorius II for execution, which the young Western Emperor felt he was obligated to carry out personally to fulfill his own part in avenging his father and every other Roman who died during or after the Second Battle of Aquileia; as he had never killed anyone before, the inexperienced Augustus needed several graceless blows to behead the barbarian, much to his guardians’ dismay and his own. However there was no time for Honorius or anyone else to catch their breath, much less reflect on their actions, as the Huns were on the move – those parts of their army which had not fought the Romans having already left the mountain valley – and it was critical that they catch Attila before he leveled Rome.

    So the Romans, their initial hopes of catching and defeating Attila in the valley near Falacrinum having been dashed, pursued & harassed the Huns down the course of the Velinus[3]. Attila ordered the Ostrogoths, as the second-largest surviving contingent from the fight in the foothills, to obstruct the Romans’ pursuit and buy him time to return to Rome; but Aetius, aware of the tension that had existed between the ruling Amali clan of that people and the Huns since Attila killed their previous king and took some of their royals hostage, placed the Visigoths at the head of his formations and instructed Thorismund to try to flip his cousins’ allegiance. This he did successfully at Posita[4] in the early morning hours of February 2, as the Ostrogoth king Valamir had grown to hate Attila more than he feared him and being left behind to fight a second obviously unwinnable battle against the vastly larger Roman host had apparently been the last straw for him. Declaring that the needs of his people were better served with the Romans than the Huns and that said needs outweighed those of his brother & sister, Valamir changed sides later that day and cleared the way for Aetius & Anthemius to finally catch up to Attila near Reate[5] on February 5 after days of intense skirmishes, the fiercest of which had been fought near Mecilianum[6] on February 3.

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    Thorismund and Valamir conversing as they return to the Roman lines, now both allies of the Western Empire

    Considering the terrain of the nearby plains (originally a lake, since drained by Roman engineering in the 200s BC) to be much more favorable for himself and unwilling to risk the defeat-in-detail of any more of his men, Attila decided to commit to a full-scale battle then and there. The contemporary Romano-Aquitanian historian Prosper wrote that instead of being motivated by any strategic concerns, Attila had consulted his seers the night before the battle for their wisdom, and they saw in the entrails that if he fought, one of the two engaged empires would certainly fall within the year[7] – likely a bit of poetic license inspired by the Delphic oracle’s prophecy when consulted by Croesus of Lydia.

    The ensuing Battle of Reate, also known as the Battle of the Rieti Plain or the ‘Battle of Nations’ for the sheer number & diversity of combatants, promised to be the decisive engagement of this latest Hun-Roman war. For the Romans, they had taken only light casualties when fending off Attila’s subject peoples in the Battle of Falacrinum and more than made up for those losses after gaining Valamir’s allegiance, bringing their total strength up to a recorded 59,500 for this battle: this could be further broken down into 15,000 Eastern Romans, 14,000 Franks, 9,000 Western Romans, 9,000 Vandals and Mauri, the 6,000 Ostrogoths, 5,000 Burgundians and 1,500 Visigoths. Attila’s army meanwhile had been weakened by the losses inflicted on his subject peoples and the Ostrogothic betrayal (possibly to the point where it was actually slightly smaller than the Roman one) but was still comparable to its enemy in size, measuring in the mid-to-high fifty-thousands range (contemporary Western Roman chroniclers gave a fantastically inflated estimate of 500,000-1,000,000 Hun warriors). As these considerable army sizes demonstrated, both Romes and the Huns were going to give this next bloody engagement their all; both Prosper and his counterpart in Anthemius’ court, Priscus, were in agreement that the rival armies ‘filled the [Rieti] plain from end to end as they arrayed for combat’.

    The Romans’ initial strategy was to force the Huns to come at them by again pelting the horde with their artillery – but Attila ruined this plan at high noon by dragging Vidimir out in chains before his army, then hacking the Ostrogoth to pieces after first ensuring they were within sight of his kingly brother. Exactly as he had predicted, this enraged Valamir beyond reason and drove him to lead the Ostrogoth contingent in an immediate attack on Attila’s center: Anthemius, who had claimed command of the Roman center by right of being the senior emperor, could not rein him in and decided to follow suit, knowing that Valamir did not have a chance on his own and hoping that together they could sweep the Huns from the field straight away. This reckless attack, supported by a barrage of projectiles from the Roman artillery, seemed to work: the Romano-Gothic charge seemingly caught the Huns off-balance and crunched through the ranks of the inferior Akatziri, Utigur and Kutrigur infantry quite handily.

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    At first, the Eastern Roman & Ostrogoth charge against the weak Hunnish infantry went splendidly

    But Attila was well aware that his weaker infantry were no match for the Roman legionaries and infuriated Gothic champions, and promptly kicked the next step in his plan into action: the cavalry he’d massed along his flanks under his sons converged on them as they fought on the plain. Anthemius’ men had the discipline to quickly reform into a circular shield-wall, capable of withstanding repeated Hunnish cavalry charges; the Ostrogoths were less fortunate, and took significant casualties before they could withdraw into the safety of the Eastern Roman formation. Valamir came across Dengizich in the chaos and unhorsed him in a furious engagement, but was killed by a lance thrust from behind by the latter’s younger brother Ernak before he could finish the Hunnish prince off – leadership of the Ostrogoths now fell to his distant cousin and brother-in-law Theodemir[8], who had led the less reckless Ostrogoths to rejoin Anthemius & reinforce his formation. At this point the Roman artillery ceased fire, as the chance of pummeling Anthemius’ embattled division grew too high.

    All this time, Aetius and Majorian had been forming up their own forces (which meant the time-consuming task of getting their many and varied barbarian federates into line, whereas Anthemius only had to deal with Valamir) on the Romans’ right and left, respectively. The center’s heedless charge and ensuing encirclement threw a wrench the size of the Pantheon’s roof into their plans, but also presented new opportunities: as the Huns surrounded Anthemius, so too could they now envelop the Huns. To counter the rapidly emerging threat to his flanks, Attila sent Karadach to attack Majorian’s advancing troops with the Akatziri, Iazyges & Alans while he personally led the Hunnish reserve (including the Utigur & Kutrigur cavalry) against Aetius.

    Majorian, who had the Burgundians and most of the Franks under Merovech with him, pushed through Karadach’s forces with considerable difficulty after the Frankish king chanced upon his Akatziri counterpart and toppled the latter from his saddle in a clash of lances; this done, they continued on to attack Dengizich and Ernak’s forces, causing the brothers’ attack on Anthemius to begin to slacken as they turned to respond. The same could not be said of Aetius, whose division (backed by the Vandals, Moors and Visigoths) faced Attila’s household and elite troops – thousands of the bravest, cruelest and fiercest of his veterans, outfitted with the best weapons and armor the Huns had available either from their own forges or from plundering Roman cities & baggage trains. The fight on the Roman right/Hunnish left was simultaneously a stalemate and a hectic, sanguinary whirlwind, as the magister militum and the khagan matched each other blow for blow. Here Attila’s best lancers contended with the hundred Hun exiles Aetius still had, Western Roman bucellarii and Vandal heavy horsemen by the thousands, while their swiftest horse-archers traded arrows with the Berbers of Numidia and drew out cohorts of Roman infantry or bunches of Visigoth warriors to be attacked by their heavier-armed allies over several hours.

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    The three main elements of Aetius' division at Reate: A Western Roman, a Vandal and a Visigoth

    The stalemate took nearly six hours to break, as the Huns only began to crack when Dengizich fatally injured by a plumbata dart while personally trying to climb over the Roman shield-wall out of desperation. Ernak’s efforts to rally his brother’s men ended in disaster when he was in turn felled by Theodemir, who thereby avenged the Amali and their people; in the wake of these deaths, pressure from Majorian and the sheer unwillingness of Anthemius and Theodemir’s men to break in the face of repeated charges and arrow-storms, the bulk of the Hunnish army began to crumble by sunset. On his left, Attila’s warriors had killed Fredegar the Vandal and Caecilius the Moor – the latter had dismounted to join the former after his horse was shot out from underneath him, and they died fighting back-to-back against numerous Hunnish champions – and pressured Aetius’ division to their breaking point. But it was then that Honorius, determined to help defend his empire however he could despite his own youthful inexperience and uncertainty, and Count Arbogast led the Romans’ own reserve (comprised of the unengaged Western & Eastern legions and the Franks not part of Majorian’s own force) into action to assist Aetius: together they kept the Roman right in the fight until Anthemius & Majorian broke the bulk of the Hunnish army.

    A last-ditch attempt by Attila to turn the tide by trying to kill Honorius outright was thwarted by Arbogast and the Vandals’ new ruler Gerlach, the son of Fredegar, who wasn’t much older than the emperor he defended. King Thorismund, initially thought to have died like his Vandal and Berber counterparts, was found alive but trapped within a pile of Hun, Roman and Visigoth corpses by his lieutenants, having broken both his sword and ax while trying to kill as many Huns as he could. Against the numbers now bearing down on them, even Attila’s best began to give way and retreat northwestward as night fell, with the Romans and their allies doing their best to pursue despite their own weariness and disorganization.

    Once more, the Romans and Huns engaged in a series of skirmishes and smaller battles as the former chased the latter down through the night of February 5 and into the next morning – though these were markedly bloodier and more disorderly compared to the engagements fought between February 2-4. Attila himself was cornered before dawn on February 6 by the banks of the Velinus, east of the village of Graecium[9]: knowing full well that he’d get no mercy after everything he had done, he rode straight into the Velinus and allowed the waters to carry him downriver. His body was never found, and for a time Aetius feared that he had escaped their grasp, but months later these fears were allayed when the Sword of Mars was fished out by curious locals at the base of the Murmurantes[10]. Honorius II had the weapon’s finders rewarded handsomely: he and Aetius believed that Attila would never have parted with the blade as long as he lived, and so as long as they couldn’t spike his head next to those of Dengizich & Ernak, it was all the confirmation of his death they could get.

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    Attila's famous sword, previously a sign of his power & invincibility in life, became a symbol of his total defeat in death

    Meanwhile the leaderless Huns increasingly dispersed after February 6, scattering back north in small groups which had to further push their limits if they were to have any hope of escaping their Roman pursuers. The usurper Petronius Maximus was captured when Aetius’ legions sacked the Hunnish camp and the magister militum promptly had him summarily executed without fanfare. However, Honorius was merciful enough to intervene when Aetius sought to do the same to his son Palladius[11], instead sparing the latter on the condition that he forfeit his family’s substantial estates to the empire and become a monk in Aquitania.

    The Battle of Reate was only the climax to a series of non-stop engagements which had begun at Falacrinum on January 31, and of course it was followed by the final skirmish near Graecium in which Attila committed suicide. As a result, this entire chain of engagements is sometimes collectively referred to as the ‘Seven Days’ Battles’, or even the singular ‘Seven Days’ Battle’ between the Huns and the Roman alliance. Regardless of whether they are treated separately or considered parts of a larger, interconnected campaign however, the result of these seven days of furious fighting was clear: Rome had finally, and at great cost, decisively defeated the Scourge of God who tormented both empires and sacked the city which gave them their name. All told, the Romans had lost nearly 15,000 men or about a quarter of their combined strength over these seven bloody days; the Huns, being the defeated party, assuredly sustained even worse casualties. For many centuries after the Seven Days, popular superstition in the Rieti Plain held that plants grown in the fertile valley (from grass to wheat to various trees) had acquired a taste for blood after so much of it had been shed there.

    But the Romans’ success in killing Attila and shattering his army did not mean their troubles were at an end. Anthemius had to depart Italy within a month to deal with the threat still posed by Ellac, now frantically struggling to hold on to his father’s empire as many of his own Germanic vassals arose in rebellion and violently lashing out against Anatolius & Aspar in the Balkans. Honorius, Aetius & Majorian had to deal with mop-up duty against the Hunnish remnants fleeing Italy; the arduous task of, once again, rebuilding the Western empire after the devastation it had endured; and most dangerously, their own federates, who soon came to collect on the debt Ravenna owed them for their help against Attila.

    The good news was that, with the defeat and death of Attila, the Western Romans were able to recover the plunder and free the slaves he’d taken from Rome. Since Attila had taken so many lives and destroyed so much on his way to the Eternal City, there was no small amount of land across Italy & Dalmatia available for resettlement by the liberated Roman captives, allowing Honorius to simultaneously alleviate the financial and demographic strains placed on his empire by that overpopulated city while also ensuring the continuation of the old Stilichian program to build a class of independent Roman smallholders, who would have a vested interest in fighting for the empire which had now given them and their families farms & a future outside the crowded insulae[12] of Rome. For the Senate’s role in electing Petronius Maximus to the purple and the disaster which followed, yet more land was expropriated from the Senators – this time, all of them – for this purpose too, though the individual confiscations were smaller than those levied by Stilicho & Eucherius before and no further executions, however merited they might’ve been, were conducted: in Honorius’ own words, enough Roman blood had been spilled in the past decade and he did not wish to shed even more if he could avoid it. Like Joannes before him, the treasurer Avitus was trusted with managing the redistribution & resettlement efforts, and did so quite ably.

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    The land redistribution program executed by Avitus and his bureaucrats was far less flashy than Aetius' and Majorian's battles, but no less important to the revitalization of the Western Empire after the tribulations of the first half of the 5th century

    As for Rome itself, even after restoring the stolen property and allowing those captives who didn’t want to settle the newly vacated lands in the countryside to return home, Honorius would have to spend years rebuilding the place after the sacking Attila had subjected it to. With the stormclouds of the Hunnic Empire having passed however, he believed he had the time to do so. Aetius also secured a more personal reward from the House of Stilicho by arranging the betrothal of his younger son Gaudentius[13] to Honorius’ sister Serena.

    The bad news was that, besides the obvious fact that this resettlement process would take years, the various barbarian peoples in Roman service were now clamoring for their rewards. Despite the total victory over Attila, after the brutal beating the Western Romans had been taking for a decade (culminating in the extreme costs they had to pay in this last victorious war with Attila) Honorius was absolutely not in a position to deny them, and both he and they knew it – realistically, at most he could barter with them and try to get them to settle for less than what they initially asked for. It was with resignation and a heavy heart that he opened his court to their petitions throughout the summer and fall, relying heavily on the advice of Aetius and Majorian to build workable compromises and avoid either making too many concessions or mortally offending his federates to the point of starting a rebellion they could not overcome.
    • Merovech, who had made the single largest contribution to the Western Roman war effort, demanded all the lands of northern Gaul down to the Sequana; the emperor and Aetius were able to haggle with him until he accepted the Axona[14], up to & including the important fortress-city of Noviodunum[15].
    • Thorismund asked for a southward extension of his people’s lands in Hispania from his imperial nephew and received it, as far as Abula and Bracara Augusta[16]. The Ephesian bishops of those cities became important members of Thorismund’s court, and their faithful flocks helped to further counterbalance the influence of the lingering Arian partisans in Visigoth society.
    • Caecilius’ heir Ierna was officially titled governor of his home province of Mauretania Caesariensis, while Gerlach the Vandal saw his people’s domain inch closer toward Carthage and also secured sea access at Leptis Minor[17].
    • The Burgundians under Gondioc initially asked for land as far as Arelate, but Honorius was able to appease them by instead awarding them with ‘just’ Lugdunum, Vienna and Ebrodunum[18].
    • Finally, the Ostrogoths replaced – and indeed soon absorbed – the remnants of the fallen Rugians as the Western Roman Empire’s new easternmost federates, being settled in northeastern Italy and the badly devastated Dalmatian hinterland with the further promise of Pannonia once that was recovered while the Roman resettlement efforts focused on the provinces’ coast.
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    Even in victory, Honorius had to concede so much to his barbarian federates that he almost felt as if he were the defeated party

    After all these concessions, the most the Western Romans could say was that at least they still retained most of the most important and productive territories in their reduced provinces – Carthage and the nearby farmlands in Africa, for example – as well as geographical contiguity from Ravenna to Burdigala[19], Aurelianum & Toletum. Rome had not been fatally weakened and theoretically could (and Honorius, Aetius & Majorian certainly intended to) rebuild the strength to demand back, and if need be fight for, these cessions in the future, although such an undertaking was likely to take until the end of the 5th century at minimum – assuming nothing else goes horribly awry in the interim. As far as the potential of playing the federates against one another went, the Ostrogoths raised a new and interesting possibility: Theodemir’s people had already largely migrated to Dalmatia in the preceding years anyway, but he made the resettlement of Aquileia into his personal project – striving to rebuild the city around what sparse ruins he could still find with the help of his new neighbor Majorian – and soon enough gained the respect of the Romans themselves by taking to their customs like a fish to water & through the virtue of his wife Ereleuva, one of those still-rare Goths who heeded Ephesian orthodoxy.

    As a sign of good faith and their renewed commitment to the Western Empire, these barbarian kings attended Honorius’ coronation ceremony in Rome. The young emperor had been acclaimed as such by Aetius’ soldiers in Ravenna the year before, true, but thanks to the utterly chaotic circumstances of his father’s death and Attila’s invasion of Italy it was hardly the sort of proper ceremony which Honorius himself could be proud of. Once a new Pope (appropriately one named Victor, the second Successor to Saint Peter to bear that name) was chosen and consecrated to replace the martyred Leo near the end of spring, the coronation itself was conducted on July 30. Honorius was once more raised on the shields of his triumphant soldiers, acclaimed by the thoroughly humbled Senate, had the purple cloak fastened around him, and then – out of thanks to God for the victory over Attila and respect for Pope Leo’s sacrifice, and perhaps also not mindful of the implications of his gesture – he knelt before the new Pontiff to be blessed and crowned with the Western imperial diadem, after which he spent hours receiving homage from various imperial officials and distributing gifts (mostly taken from Attila’s camp) to the troops. This was the first coronation ceremony in either empire’s history to involve one of the five great Patriarchs so heavily[20].

    Meanwhile, to the north the Romano-Britons were finally keeping their end of the bargain made with Romanus, though they had come far too late to actually help against Attila. Ambrosius had been delayed the year before by the first major Saxon incursion into his lands, which he saw off in the Battle of Lindum in October of 450; although in this first engagement he was defeated in single combat by Ælle, his Sarmatian bodyguards saved him from death and he went on to lead his more disciplined army to victory over the Saxons anyway. Over the winter he had arrived in Gaul with 2,000 British legionaries, and while Laudaricus was long dead and Attila was too far away for him to engage, they proved helpful to Syagrius and the Gallic Praetorian Prefect Tonantius Ferreolus[21] in clearing out the last Hun and Teutonic warbands making a nuisance of themselves in the Gallic countryside. As for Ælle, after retreating back over the Abus and licking his wounds he found easier pickings among the northern Britons once more, conquering Elmet[22] without a fight after intimidating its local king Mascuid[23] into bending the knee while the latter’s overlord in Rheged was off fighting his brothers. To solidify ties between himself and his new vassal, who the Saxons would come to call ‘Maccus’ in their own tongue over the years, he arranged for the marriage of his eldest daughter Leofwynn to Mascuid’s heir Llaenog.

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    Ambrosius of Britain rides out to welcome his uninvited Saxon guests to Lindum

    Speaking of the Huns’ Germanic subjects, as the Western Romans began to pick up the pieces Attila left in his bloody wake, their Eastern cousins were still dealing with Ellac in the Balkans. Anthemius returned from Italy to find the situation markedly improving: the final defeat and death of Attila threw the Hunnic Empire into crisis, as the Germanic peoples who fought in Laudaricus’ army at Lutetia were not as bloodied as the Sarmatian and Turkic vassals who were defeated alongside Attila himself in the Seven Days, and now took their chance to revolt against their hated overlords. Gepids, Heruls, Thuringians, Alamanni, Suebi and the Sarmatian Iazyges – all these peoples formed an anti-Hun alliance, electing the Gepid king Ardaric to be their war-leader, and threw the entire western half of the Hunnish Empire into turmoil. Ellac could rely only on his own warriors and the Scirians, who so far remained loyal only due to the close proximity of said Hun warriors to their own, and had to abandon most of his gains with hardly a fight to battle the rebels for control over the crumbling domain he’d inherited. Still as he retreated Aspar, Anthemius and Anatolius all advanced, while Edeko and his sons pressured him to fight for their people’s homeland.

    Disregarding Edeko’s wishes, Ellac instead continued north to fight the rebel army gathering on the Pannonian plain. Ardaric took to the offensive sooner than anticipated however, and met the Huns & Scirians near Cusum[24] on August 15. In the ensuing battle the Teutonic league prevailed, driving the surprised Huns back over the Danube and toward the united Eastern Roman army which at this point had just liberated Naissus. The new khagan did not live to figure out how to escape this bind, for Odoacer and his brother Onoulphus[25] assassinated him in his sleep on September 21 at their father’s behest. Edeko meanwhile led a surprise attack on the Hunnish camp, scattering their remaining warriors under Onegesius & Skottas and kidnapping Gurbesu, one of Ellac’s sisters; though he immediately forced her into marriage with Odoacer, he did not dare claim rule over the soon-to-be-former Hunnish Empire and instead sought terms with Constantinople.

    Anthemius agreed to leave the Scirians alone if they restricted their settlement to the Diocese of Dacia and the province of Pannonia Secunda, which conveniently were the parts of Illyricum assigned to the Western Empire and not his own in the terms Theodosius II had reached with Romanus two years before. The gutted and decapitated Hunnic Empire itself effectively disintegrated soon after this, its western half completely imploding into several feuding Germanic kingdoms while the tribes constituting its eastern half – fatally weakened by the Seven Days’ Battles – were now easy prey for new nomads moving in from the east such as the Saragurs, Oghurs and Onogurs[26].

    As to what reason Anthemius may have had to turn away from the Balkans despite the continued presence of the Scirians & the Slavs still squatting in Thrace and Moesia, to the east Armenia had spiraled into turmoil. In 450 Mihr Narseh advised Shah Yazdgerd to crack down on the Armenian Christians for supporting the Ephesian orthodoxy at the Council of 449, bringing themselves further into alignment with Rome. The Persians destroyed Armenian churches to make way for Zoroastrian fire-temples and sent Zoroastrian priests to replace Christian ones with the protection of Persian soldiers, sparking a major Armenian revolt: the rebellion benefited from the presence of several prominent magnates, particularly the elderly but highly experienced veteran Vardan Mamikonian[27], previously the sparapet (supreme commander) of the Armenian troops in Sassanid service.

    The Sassanids were not as well-prepared to defeat the rebellion as Mihr Narseh had thought, as they hadn’t yet fully recovered from the latest beating they took at the Eastern Romans & Hephthalites’ hands. Said Hephthalites had been massing for an invasion of India while the Guptas were distracted, but when Khingila heard of the Persians’ troubles from the Eastern Roman embassy to his court in Bactra, he changed tack and led his army against the Sassanids once more instead, citing their slowness in paying him tribute (which was true, because Mihr Narseh used the tribute money to build an army) as the cause. Yazdgerd had to split his already diminished forces to contend with both the Armenians and Hephthalites, and was promptly defeated by both – Mamikonian’s army crushed his own at Avarayr[28] in June of 451 while the Hephthalites spent the year pillaging as far as Kerman.

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    Vardan Mamikonian's great victory at Avarayr was celebrated by all Christians as one of their Church over fire-worshiping Oriental pagans

    Anthemius took advantage of the crisis to proclaim the Armenians to be under his protection soon after, and while the Eastern Roman army had been badly bloodied by the Huns, it could still magnify the threat of the large but disorganized Armenian army. To keep Aspar well away from himself, he sent the untrustworthy Alan general to shore up the Roman military presence on their border with Armenia. At this point Yazdgerd recognized the disaster he’d blundered into and sought to fire Mihr Narseh for his ill counsel, but the old vizier outmaneuvered and assassinated him just before Adaregan (the Zoroastrian festival celebrating fire on November 24) to clear the way for a more pliable puppet in the crown prince Hormizd. In opposition to Hormizd & Mihr-Narseh, Yazdgerd’s younger son Peroz[29] fled to join the Hephthalites, promising Khingila more concessions in exchange for placing him on the Persian throne. The Sassanid star now seemed to be setting further still while that of the Romans recovered, and that of the Guptas was firmly ascendant – with the Hephthalites attacking Persia instead, Skandagupta was not distracted from completing his subjugation of the Vakatakas toward the end of 451, expanding Gupta power deep into central India.

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    1. Western Roman Empire
    2. Eastern Roman Empire
    3. Franks
    4. Burgundians
    5. Visigoths
    6. Ostrogoths
    7. Mauri
    8. Vandals
    9. Romano-Britons
    10. Saxons
    11. Britons
    12. Alamanni & Suebi
    13. Thuringians
    14. Scirians
    15. Iazyges
    16. Gepids
    17. Sclaveni
    18. Heruli
    19. Caucasian kingdoms of Lazica, Iberia & Albania
    20. Armenia
    21. Sassanid Empire
    22. Ghassanids
    23. Lakhmids
    24. Garamantians
    25. Hephthalites
    26. Gupta Empire
    27. Rouran Khaganate
    28. Song Dynasty
    29. Korean kingdoms of Goguryeo, Baekje, Gaya & Silla

    ====================================================================================

    [1] Late Roman scouts.

    [2] Flaccitheus’ successor as king of the Rugians, who historically aided Odoacer in toppling Romulus Augustulus but later came to blows with him and was executed in 487 after being defeated at Vienna.

    [3] The River Velino.

    [4] Posta, Lazio.

    [5] Rieti.

    [6] Micigliano.

    [7] Historically, the Hunnish diviners instead prophesied that if Attila fought on the Catalaunian Plains he’d lose disastrously, but manage to kill one of the enemy generals. In that case, it was Theodoric the Visigoth who fell.

    [8] Historical successor to Valamir & Vidimir, King of the Ostrogoths from 470 to 475 and father to Theodoric the Great. As another member of the Amaling clan which ruled the Ostrogoths, he was almost certainly related to the brothers who preceded him. Curiously, although Theodemir was an Arian like most of his people, his wife Ereleuva was known to be a Nicene Christian and probably influenced her son’s friendly policies toward his Nicene Italo-Roman subjects.

    [9] Greccio.

    [10] The Cascata della Marmore near Terni, the world’s largest artificial waterfall where the Velino pours into the River Nera.

    [11] Historically Caesar under his father for two months in 455, Palladius was lynched by the same mob that killed his father when they tried to abandon Rome ahead of Gaiseric’s Vandal army.

    [12] The apartments of ancient Rome’s urban mob, often major fire & health hazards.

    [13] Aetius’ only known son by his second wife, likely a much younger brother to Carpilio. Historically Aetius and Emperor Valentinian III arranged a marriage between him and the latter’s younger daughter Placidia, but the wedding was obviously called off when Valentinian murdered Aetius not long after and Gaudentius disappeared into obscurity after being taken to Carthage by the conquering Vandals in 455.

    [14] The River Aisne.

    [15] Soissons.

    [16] Braga.

    [17] Monastir, Tunisia.

    [18] Embrun.

    [19] Bordeaux.

    [20] Historically the first time a Patriarch crowned a Roman emperor was when Patriarch Anatolius of Constantinople did so for Leo the Thracian in 457.

    [21] An old and prominent Romano-Gallic civil official who historically was successful in balancing the need to organize Gaul’s defenses against Attila with public sentiment against conscription & the levying of taxes. Afterwards, he led the resistance to Visigoth attempts to expand their power in Gaul. He was probably related to Sidonius Apollinaris and Aegidius’ family.

    [22] The West Riding of Yorkshire.

    [23] Cerdic of the West Saxons has been hypothesized to actually have been a Briton collaborator who ingratiated himself with the oncoming Anglo-Saxons, and eventually rose to lead the Gewissae (Wessex’s predecessors) himself.

    [24] Novi Sad.

    [25] Also known as Hunulf, he was Odoacer’s younger brother and loyal general. Soon after Theodoric the Great defeated & murdered Odoacer, Onoulphus was killed by the Ostrogoths while seeking refuge in a church.

    [26] All Turkic nomads who historically replaced the Huns and their steppe subjects, such as the Akatziri, in the 460s.

    [27] Much as is the case ITL, historically Vardan (and the Mamikonian clan in general) led the Armenian resistance against the Sassanids in 451. For their perseverance in the Christian faith against Zoroastrian Persia, both he and his daughter Shushanik are celebrated as saints in the Armenian Church today.

    [28] Churs, Iran.

    [29] Peroz I did historically usurp the Persian throne from his older brother Hormizd with the help of the Hephthalites, though in less messy circumstances for Persia as a whole. He later turned against his benefactors and warred with them thrice, but was defeated all three times and finally killed in battle near Balkh by the Eftal king Akhshunwar/Khushnavaz in 484.
     
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