Alternate History Vivat Stilicho!

Four emperors enter...

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
The Curia Julia[1], February 12 418

“When, O Stilicho, do you mean to cease abusing the patience of this assembly? How much longer will you dare to mock us? When will there be an end to that unbridled audacity of yours, you savage, swaggering about the throne of emperors as it does now?”[2] Priscus Attalus[3] thundered, pacing and gesticulating dramatically as he did, while the rest of the Roman Senate watched in attentive silence. “Alas we all know his answer to these questions, conscript fathers: never! This cruel and cunning son of a barbaric brute from the far end of the Earth and a provincial harlot, will never rest until he has dishonored all our ancestors and everything they have left us, ‘till he has firmly placed his barbarian boot on the neck of Rome.”

As the Senators whispered, and as those whispers swelled to a great rumbling of indignation, Priscus continued with greater vigor. “This will be hard to hear, conscript fathers, but it is a truth that must be heard none-the-less: we too bear responsibility for this state of affairs. It is necessary to use your words, Cicero: O the times! O the customs!” He raised one hand with dramatic flourish, then let it fall with an exaggerated sigh. “We, the Senate, know the answer to this man’s very presence is – must be – a great ‘No!’ that will resound for another thousand years; and yet, still we have allowed this Stilicho to live. Worse, when one of our number – the late Olympius, whose passing I still lament – tried to put a stop to his scheming and to drive the barbarians out of the homes of our fathers, did any of us stand with him? Nay, we abandoned him and allowed him to be thrown from Aurelian’s walls as soon as the struggle became more difficult than he and we had anticipated.” He stamped his feet to further impress his point. “Stilicho marched into our city, the heart of the world, like a conqueror immediately afterward; and did any of us risk their lives to rush at him with knife in hand, as our forefathers did unto Caesar? Nay, yet again, to our great shame we did no such thing!”

“Were our veins still filled with hot red blood rather than cold and brackish water, we would not have allowed us to believe our duty to the public included meekly bowing our heads in his presence, as dogs do before their master. Such was what it took to avert Stilicho’s fury, such was the price of peace for the people who rely so greatly on our prudence; or so I – and I am certain, far too many of you – had thought.”
Priscus bowed his head, as if bearing the weight of his own shame at such an indignity upon his brow, and closed his eyes; when he opened them again, he saw that while some of the Senators were visibly annoyed and perceived his speech to be insulting, others continued to listen, and seemed to be taking his words as a challenge. Good. “But it was not. In trying to stave off his wrath with gifts and obedience and a golden silence, we have only made the madling bolder and madder still. Even now he dares to place one of his brood, an ill-born dog scarcely more noble than and certainly just as savage as himself, to be our sovereign – our king[4] – claiming the late and dearly departed Honorius made him his heir! Are we, the sons of Romulus and Scipio and Augustus, to now accept this mongrel Eucherius’ invitation to prostrate ourselves before him and his father? Shall we allow our children to be slaves to theirs next?”

“Never!” One Senator’s voice arose from the benches, followed by that Senator himself. “I for one would sooner drown them, and myself, in the Tiber than submit to the kingship of Stilicho the Vandal and his son!” Priscus subtly nodded at the man; he had paid this Auchenius Bassus[5] well for his support in his scheme, and so far the latter had not disappointed him. Others quickly joined him in opposition to Stilicho, rapidly swelling the chorus of dramatic denunciations and proclamations of defiance, and Priscus was further pleased to note that he never bribed or approached quite a few of the new speakers. “We must turn the sinking ship of state around immediately!” “Can we even call ourselves Romans if we allow this Eucherius to drape himself in the purple?” “Death to the Vandal and all who would follow him!”

“It gladdens me to see that Roman virtue and intrepidity have yet to be extinguished, after all.” Old Priscus declared, allowing himself a small smile, once the frenzy had ended and the rest of the Senate quieted down. “Still, if we are united in defiance of Stilicho and his son, we must move with both caution and haste. We must have a leader, and soon: a man of conviction and purpose who can prepare this place, our Eternal City, for the inevitable retribution of that tyrant who dreams himself our king, and then to drive him back not just to Ravenna but into the very sea!” He emphasized himself by forming his right hand into a fist, and slamming it down into his left palm. “A strong and wise leader, a true heir to the great Augusti of the past, who can restore Rome to its past glory – purified of the stains of barbarism and effete weakness which has been allowed to take hold in the past centuries!”

“You are that man, Priscus!” Another of his catspaws, Junius Agricola, cried out from his seat, pointing down at Priscus. “Your words have moved our hearts already; now, use them to move the rest of Rome to our side! You alone, with your incredible wit and golden tongue, can stir the Roman people against Stilicho and his sycophants!” Funny he should end his spiel with those words, for that was a little too sycophantic for Priscus' own taste. Oh well – what mattered most was whether it would nudge the rest of the Senate toward accepting him as their emperor.

“I am an old man of seventy years. Just as the hairs have almost wholly deserted my head, so too has almost all of the strength left my bones.” Priscus continued, making himself sound frail, hoarse and almost quiet in comparison to his speechifying just a few moments ago. Then, as he launched into the final part of his speech, he reintroduced that past firmness and volume to his words. “Never-the-less, if it is the will of the Senate and the People of Rome, I will arise to the challenge of the imperial office. If I am to don the purple and the laurel wreath, I shall expend what energies the gods have left me to destroy the very memory of the Vandal Stilicho and his spawn, and restore to the aforementioned Senate and People of Rome the dignity and freedom which are theirs by right. If I should waver, may the heavens strike me dead. This I, Priscus Attalus, swear by any god who will hear, whether he be Jove who my esteemed ancestors revered, or the Most High God of Constantine and Theodosius Magnus!”

When the aged Senator finished his speech, he took a deep breath and held it, carefully watching for how the rest of the Senate would react. For a long moment he experienced doubt: had he done enough, given away enough, to secure the loyalty of the chamber? All those favors he’d dispensed and then called in – the cushy appointments he’d arranged, the fortunes in jewelry and Baetic garum and attractive slaves he’d given out, the sale of land and attached coloni at well below market prices – he came to fear it hadn’t been sufficient, and that he had just gravely embarrassed himself or worse. But then Bassus and Agricola rose again to applaud him, and the Senators – at first one by one, then in groups, and the remainder in a great rush – moved to join them in their standing ovation. Old Priscus bowed his head to hide his widening grin as he heard that which he had wanted to hear for years, repeated over and over until the chorus seemed to shake the ceiling of the Curia Julia: “Vivat Priscus! Vivat Priscus Augustus!”

Now, Priscus hoped, the officers and soldiery of Italy would be less expensive to buy off than these Senators.

Great Palace of Constantinople, February 20 418

“He – he dares?!” Theodosius II, grandson of the great man after whom he was named and master of the Roman East, thought he had mastered his stammer by his ninth birthday; but now, he was finding out that it returned whenever he got into such a rage that he could no longer control himself. “Uncle Honorius has only just turned cold, and that accursed Stilicho has already dug his claws into the throne of the Occident! Who is he, that son of a barbarian, to wed Aunt Galla to his son and demand I – son and grandson of emperors – recognize that mutt as master of the West?! Th – this – this is an outrage!”

He crumpled the message in his fist and threw it onto the carefully tiled floor, on which he was now pacing and stomping until he was out of breath. “Has that Vandal not sufficiently repaid Grandfather’s generosity with insults and the sword already? Now he wants his own blood to sit Grandfather’s throne too, does he? I will not stand for this pretense, I – will – not!” The Western Roman messenger had retreated behind one of the gold-veined marble pillars in fear, his sister Pulcheria cringed on her chair next to the throne, his stalwart childhood companion Paulinus[6] looked away – only Monaxius, the Praetorian Prefect of the East, and the eunuchs Antiochus and Chrysaphius[7] refused to retreat from the presence of the infuriated teenage Emperor.

“If you intend on chastising this upjumped provincial barbarian, great and mighty emperor, give the word and I shall be happy to lead the legions against him.” Monaxius rumbled haughtily, crossing his thick arms. “I am most eager for a rematch with him and whatever hordes of savages he can conjure up, myself. Allow me the honor of fighting to redeem my good name from the stain he placed upon it in our last contention, Augustus; I swear on my life that I will not disappoint you, and that this time I will not rely on less-than-reliable lieutenants to do the fighting for me.”

“Oh, truly? You had best not, Prefect. I command that you return victorious this time.” Theodosius snapped, scornful. “Do not forget how your predecessor’s predecessor fell from my good graces. You were fortunate that your own defeat at Stilicho’s bloody hands was not nearly as grave as his.” Monaxius nodded and bowed deeply, all the better to hide how he was gritting his teeth at his young overlord’s petulance.

Now Paulinus had turned to face the Eastern Emperor and offer up his own advice. “Perhaps we can avoid bloodshed, august emperor. If you were to send your own messenger to Ravenna – offer Stilicho mutually agreeable terms – “

“Oh, dear Paulinus, what terms could we possibly offer that do not involve allowing him – or any of his ilk – to sit anywhere near my departed uncle’s throne?” Theodosius cut his oldest friend off, exasperated.

“That indeed cannot be and is not something you should even think of considering, august emperor.” The silky voice of Chrysaphius interjected. The younger eunuch seemingly meekly bowed his head, turning himself into the very picture of fragility, when Theodosius snarled, “What gave you the impression that I was thinking of allowing such a travesty at all?!” But that did not prevent him from continuing, “I apologize if I gave you offense, ruler of rulers. I simply wished to make it clear, particularly to the envoy from Ravenna – “ He pointed to the man, who Theodosius now noticed was watching from behind a pillar and angrily motioned to step back into sight, “That as the great and righteous Honorius has sadly failed to leave behind an heir-of-the-body before God called him to Heaven, you and you alone are the lawful Emperor of all Rome. You should not entertain anyone who pretends the contrary is the case; neither Stilicho’s brood, nor the pagan Senator in Rome who challenges you as Eugenius once challenged your august grandfather either.”

“Yes – truly there is and can be no rightful Augustus but yourself…” Paulinus began in the most soothing voice he could muster, even as he was running a hand through his earth-brown hair. “So you should inform Stilicho of that truth, Emperor Theodosius. Offer to retain his services as magister militum of the Western legions, on the condition that his son sets aside his farcical pretense and both of them swear allegiance to you as is only proper. We know Stilicho to be many things, an able commander among them; let him occupy himself with the West’s troubles in your name, and keep Rome united forevermore beneath the auspices of the House of Theodosius. If he is loyal to Rome – if he was ever truly loyal to the Empire and to your grandfather – he will accept, and avoid shedding Roman blood for the fourth time in ten years.”

Theodosius opened his mouth, then closed it. The fury on his face gave way to a look of more careful consideration, and for a fleeting moment Paulinus dared to hope that he had gotten through to his longtime companion. His feelings were further reinforced when Antiochus spoke in support: “Your friend speaks wisely, mighty ruler-of-all-rulers. Our own forces have been bloodied from clash after clash with this Stilicho, and those battles we have fought against him have not gone well for us. Why not try something different, and see if we can turn this enemy into a friend? Let him expend his strength to crush Priscus Attalus in your name and contend with any other threat that might arise against the Roman world in the West, while you grow ever stronger and wealthier in the East.”

But that hope was quickly dashed by Pulcheria and Chrysaphius. First the Emperor’s sister, as short and slender as Theodosius himself, opined, “It would be foolish to put any trust in Stilicho. He has assailed us twice already, as Antiochus the Persian here has so kindly reminded us, and is well known to consort with even worse barbarians like that Goth Alaric, whose horde even now pesters and steals from the good citizens of Macedonia and Dacia.”

A haughty expression came upon her face, and as Paulinus looked into her dark eyes, he felt he was staring into the same abyss that had consumed the blood of so many hubristic Roman emperors and their soldiers in the past. “We owe the Vandal nothing, brother. If he is indeed your subject – as he lawfully is, for you are the one and only Augustus in the world – and has half as much respect for Roman authority as he claims, then he should come here to throw himself at your feet and count himself lucky if you do not demand his head for having killed thousands of your soldiers in two wars.” Unfortunately for him, he knew that he and Antiochus had lost the argument as soon as he turned to look at Theodosius, who seemed to be hanging onto his sister’s every word.

Next the pretty eunuch threw a loose strand of curly chestnut hair over his shoulder with sufficient flair to recapture Theodosius’ attention, then he opened his pouty mouth to further poison Paulinus’ proposal. “No emperor should ever have to barter with their subjects, mighty Augustus. Your sister has the right of it – your place is to command, Stilicho’s is to obey without question. You should send the envoy back with a message of your own: that you alone are Emperor of Rome and master of all the parts of the world worth living in, that he should immediately return the half of Illyricum which he stole from you, and that in return you may just be willing to pardon him for his crimes against you and the Roman people.” The cubicularius fluttered his long eyelashes even as he turned to nod at Monaxius and added, “And of course, you should send Prefect Monaxius west with an army anyway, just in case Stilicho refuses and reveals his true colors, as I fear he will.”

“Honored emperor – “ Paulinus began hopelessly, but Theodosius did not seem to hear before declaring, “Well said, sister! And you as well, cubicularius. You heard them, messenger: take those terms back to your barbarian lord in Ravenna. Let Stilicho know that I will, indeed, exhibit more mercy than he deserves and allow him to retire to a villa on, oh I don’t know…the Pontine Islands, perhaps – if he submits himself and his son to my authority, as is only proper. He may however rest easy in the knowledge that I have no intention of recognizing that old Senator, Priscus Attalus, as emperor of the Occident, either: I and I alone, as the sole male descendant of Theodosius Magnus still living, am Augustus Imperator.” He dismissed the envoy with a wave before turning to Monaxius. “And you, Prefect! Prepare the legions. I want you on the road to Thessalonica as soon as possible, no matter whether Stilicho has been educated in the nature of the imperial succession by then or not. Also, take that barbarian – Siger-whatever his name is – with you; I grow weary of hearing him complain about wanting to avenge his brother’s death every day.”

Without another word the emperor dismissed the rest of the imperial court, too, before storming away with Antiochus, Chrysaphius and a few other attendants following close behind. Monaxius departed to carry out his orders and Pulcheria to pray for the Eastern legions’ victory in the conflict all but Theodosius knew would erupt, leaving Paulinus to despondently ponder how much more blood the East would shed and how much longer they could count on Shah Yazdgerd’s goodwill on their eastern border.

Portus Adurni[8], February 28 418

“I’m telling you, Father made a mistake hiring those barbarians. These Jutes have raided our shores for a century, and now that we have welcomed them onto our island with open arms and offered them homes here they will bury their long knives in our backs at the first opportunity – I’m sure of it.” Constans[9], who had commanded the British field legions as Comes Britanniarum until said father was acclaimed Emperor by his men & others and in turn elevated him to Caesar yesterday, grumbled to his brother. The two were making their way through the harbor’s rough-cobbled streets toward the barrack where their now-imperial father was holding his final war council, their breath visible in the wintry air even with the Sun at its peak.

“I’m sure he knows what he’s doing.” Replied Julian[10], the younger of the duo and former legate of Portus Lemanis’[11] garrison. They hurried past several of those Jutes the elder was just talking about, tall and fierce-looking warriors with shaggy blond beards and long barbed spears[12]. “If he didn’t, there’s no way he would have allowed the legions to raise him up on their shields the other day, and we wouldn’t be imperial princes right now. Besides, did you see what that Jutish king was offering him?” He whistled at the thought of that curvy Jutish princess, Rowena. “Little surprise that he’d agree to an alliance when it’s reinforced by the hand of such a beautiful maiden. I can’t even blame him for not having the presence of mind to suggest she marry me instead, though we are much closer in age than he and her. Hell, I wouldn’t blame him if he chose to spend all day with her rather than call this council.”

“Julian! That’s no way to speak of our new stepmother, barbarian though she may be.” Constans waited until after they’d dodged a sprinting messenger to punch his little brother in the shoulder, smirking while Julian guffawed. “Anyway, I pray you’re right.” He sighed, shaking his head and with it, the smirk off his face. “Myself though, until and unless one of those savages brings us any of the false emperors’ heads, I’ll never trust them any further than I can throw them. And I certainly wouldn’t allow them anywhere near my wife and children even if I did have faith in them.” Though Julian might be rather enamored with their father’s new wife, he only had eyes for his fair Artoria. She’d told him that she was pregnant again just a week ago, and though little Constantia and Helena certainly brought him no small amount of joy, he’d been praying that God would allow her to give birth to a son this time around. Perhaps such a boy would even take after her and be born with bright golden hair and green eyes, rather than the red hair and blue eyes of his father and sisters.

“Then you’re never going to be able to trust our new and not-so-dear grandfather, are you Constans?” Julian wisecracked as they entered the praetorium[13] of Portus Adurni. That new grandfather-by-marriage’s twin brother went unmentioned, for not even the more trusting Julian had it in him to try to like the perpetually sneering Jutish prince who could not be bothered to act civil even during the negotiations. “No wonder that man put a horse on his banner even though not one of his warriors are horsemen, I’d imagine he eats one for lunch and supper every day – I can scarcely believe he could’ve fathered dear stepmother Rowena.” The brothers were laughing out loud as they opened the door to their father’s office, quieting only when they saw the dead-serious look on that violet-cloaked old man’s face. Once they took their seats by his side – Constans on his right and Julian, his left – their father rose to speak.

“I am certainly pleased to see my sons cared to join us,” Flavius Claudius Constantine began, visibly annoyed at their tardiness. “Would that they had done so with greater haste and less time wasted on japes, then perhaps we could have begun this war council before high noon.” Julian had the grace to look sheepish, while the prouder Constans crossed his arms above his chest and huffed. The self-proclaimed emperor ran a hand through his hair, the copper already turned to silver in many places as he approached his sixtieth birthday, while with the other he began tracing movements from Britain’s Saxon Shore to positions across the Oceanus Britannicus[14].

“We will avoid the shores which fall under the authority of the Dux Belgicae Secundae[15], he is not a man I can trust to join us and the Franks live close enough that they can reinforce him while we’re still securing a beach-head.” Constantine tapped his finger at and around Abricantis[16]. “Instead, we will strike further west. The Dux tractus Armoricani et Nervicani[17], unlike his eastern neighbor, has proven receptive to promises of gold and honors in my service and will go over to us as soon as we land. I also have it on good intelligence that the Armorican tribes will march to join us. Until we secure Grannona[18] and Lutetia[19], Abricantis will serve as a fine place for my praetorium on the continent.”

Now he began to address the other commanders around the table specifically. “When we march inland, though we will all have different objectives, we will concentrate around Lutetia once we meet those objectives or are pressed by too great a foe to defeat on our lonesome. We shall divide our army into three great columns: of these, I will personally command the greatest and march directly on that city. The second column is to be comprised of our new Jutish friends,” Constantine nodded at the tremendously fat King Hengist and his younger twin Horsa, “And is to march along the continent’s half of the Saxon Shore until you reach and secure Grannona. The third column will march into Andegavia and secure its civitas[20]. Comprised of forces from Eburacum[21] and beyond, as well as any Armorican allies who join us, this host will be yours to command, Gerontius.” He indicated the Dux Britanniarum[22], who nodded firmly while crossing his arms. “My son Julian will ride at my side. Meanwhile Constans, as Caesar you will have the honor of commanding my vanguard, which is to be comprised of your Roxolani, Iazyges and Taifals[23] – carry your dragon standard ahead of us with pride, and be the last of us to withdraw if we should ever encounter difficulty on the field of battle. Any questions?”

“Yes.” Constans spoke up before Constantine could sit down. “What forces are we leaving in Britain itself, august father? Far be it for me to question the loyalty or ability of our new Jutish allies, but Hengist’s people are not the only ones to have attacked Britain’s shores over the past century. Will there be any forces left to defend our people from their depredations?” He had little faith in the Jutes to begin with, and did not doubt for a second that their Angle and Saxon cousins would attack Britannia with greater fervor than ever – quite possibly with the support of said Jutes – if they sensed vulnerability.

“Heh-heh! You have nothing to fear with my warriors guarding your shores, prince.” Horsa spoke before Constantine could, to both father and son’s surprise and irritation. “Rest assured they can keep that jewel of a wife you’ve got safe and well-entertained, just as they can the rest of Britain’s treasures.” The massive Jute’s Latin was roughly accented and halting, for he had only recently learned the language, but he chose his words carefully enough to ensure that the Britons could understand each and every one.

Perhaps it was the younger Jutish warlord’s choice of words, or his leer, or the way he was stroking his long flaxen mustache. Whatever it was, it was provocation enough that Constans bolted upright from his seat with one hand clenched around his sword’s hilt. “Care to explain what you mean, barbarian?”

Constantine gripped his heir’s left arm, while Hengist placed a hand on his mirror image’s chest and silenced his thunderous laughter with a sharp glare. It would not do to sunder their alliance so soon after they had negotiated terms acceptable to both long-opposed camps. “Forgive my brother, noble prince. He meant no offense, only that our warriors are faithful and valiant enough that you have nothing to fear with them protecting your shores.” The Jutish king spoke as quickly as his limited grasp on Latin allowed, hoping to allay Constans’ fury before it spilled over with his rush of words. “And our bards, while the finest in the world, certainly respect the boundaries set by men, gods and your Most High God alike. My own Rowena will similarly be happy to respectfully keep your wife company, as she would any of her blood-sisters.” Antagonizing the Romano-Britons would have to wait: for now, his people had only just started settling Tonetic, or as the former called it, Toliatis[24].

As the Caesar opened his mouth to snarl at the Jutes, Constantine more forcefully tugged on his arm and growled, “Hold, son, hold! I’ll have no fighting at my war council.” At that irony, Julian chuckled, but nobody else in the room – tense as it was – so much as blinked, and he himself piped down as he noticed a vein was pulsing in his father’s fast-reddening neck. “We must all save our strength for the battles to come. ‘Tis true that I have indeed planned for some of the Jutes to guard our shores against their cousins from across the sea. However, if it will set your mind at ease, I will also leave faithful Justinianus[25] and several thousand of the coastal levies behind to support them in their duties.” And watch them, went unspoken, but Constans understood well enough (and certainly was in no hurry to let out his father’s obviously repressed rage) to sit back down with a grunt. Nevertheless, he made a mental note to warn Artoria to take their children and move from their villa outside Camulodunum[26] to the safety of Londinium’s praetorium before setting sail for the mainland.

“If there are no other objections…” And indeed no others arose. “Then this council is dismissed. See to your men: we will leave these shores within the next three days. God willing, we will cast down Eucherius, Priscus Attalus, and anyone else who stands between me and the purple.” Constantine did not begrudge Eucherius and Stilicho for their barbarian heritage; his own family had heavily intermarried with the local Britons, hence why he and his sons all had the red hair foreign to their ancestors among the gens Claudii. The same had been true of the rest of the Romano-British establishment, including Constans’ in-laws the Artorii Casti. But as far as he was concerned, Eucherius had no claim to the purple past his father’s swords, and if that were the case, Constantine had his own; so, why not make his own bid for the empire? Better him than that breathless old fool who’d bribed the Senate into acclaiming him, this Priscus Attalus, or the even more girlish emperor to the East who’d been raised among painted eunuchs. “Most Reverend Pelagius, would you care to give us a blessing before we depart?”

“Certainly, great emperor.” The last of the great men around the round war table, this elderly and controversial British prelate who Constantine had installed as Bishop of Londinium after running the last one out at swordpoint for denouncing him as a traitor, stood up to cross himself and raise his hands to Heaven. The other Britons similarly crossed themselves before clasping their hands and bowing their heads in prayer in their seats, having joined his fast-growing following in the island province, though the pagan Jutes did nothing of the sort.

“Almighty Lord, though in Your infinite mercy and kind regard for their freedom You do not fix men’s destinies before them, we ask that you give Imperator Constantinus, third of that name, and his noble heirs the strength and courage to carve for themselves a glorious and purple-clad destiny. Bless them with vigor as they march to depose the unrighteous usurpers in Ravenna and Rome, as well as to challenge the tyrant in Constantinople who – together with his blinded bishops – refuses to recognize either the free will You have gifted unto the humble creatures You formed from the earth from our first breath, nor Your dispensation of the gift of mercy to all who honestly work for it. Allow them to set a splendid example of virtue to all who encounter them on their righteous struggle. Amen!”[27]

Imperial palace of Ravenna, March 4 418

“We will move against the Senate and their usurper as soon as possible, with as much strength as we can muster in Italy. I want all of Annonaria’s[28] comital legions, as well as those of Dalmatia and every single one of the Gothic foederati in these provinces, to march with me.” Eucherius, now wearing the deep purple cloak and jeweled diadem which had graced his brother-in-law until last month, no longer looked to his father as he gave orders to the men surrounding their war table.

For his part, Stilicho subtly nodded in approval: time and experience had tempered the count-turned-emperor well, lending to him a confident air and reducing his need to rely on Stilicho’s own fatherly advice. Though it was natural for a father to feel some regret when his son flies out of the coop, the magister militum understood things had to be this way, if he were to retain that crown after Stilicho himself was called to face God’s judgment; his own blond hair was fast turning gray and the strength in his bones waning with time’s steady march. A shame the same had not been true of the late Honorius - Stilicho had tried raising that imperial predecessor as well as he could, and he still privately mourned the joyful fool of a boy he’d been, even if he felt significantly less warm toward the craven and treacherous fool of a man he grew up to be. The Lord alone knows what disasters would have befallen Rome without Stilicho to rule in his stead.

“All well and good, Augustus.” Alaric grumbled from across the desk, evidently sharing less positive sentiment toward the new emperor than Stilicho. The Visigoth king’s blood-red hair had been turning to the color of steel under the weight of age, while wrinkles and lines spread across his face. “But I fear you may have forgotten the threat to our Eastern border. I don’t think Theodosius will take kindly to your refusal to bend your knee to him, and I certainly hope you aren’t assuming I alone can hold back the legions which have already crossed the border at Philippi.”

“Come now, Alaric…” The similarly-aging Stilicho admonished the Gothic king, raising a hand to point at him. “You have held Theodosius and Monaxius back with half their strength once before. Yours are a people experienced in the art of war, who have fought alongside ours to one victory after another in past years! I am confident you can withstand the power of the Orient for a few months. That will be all we need to crush this Priscus Attalus, this wriggling worm who dares imitate the speech of a long-dead dragon in his challenge to my son.”

At those words Alaric let out a short, barking laugh, though the humor did not reach his silver eyes. “While I’m pleased that you have so much faith in me and my warriors, great commander, the fact remains that I would have to be luckier than any of my forefathers to last those ‘few months’ against the kind of army my border-sentries have reported.” He turned to glance at Eucherius. “Can you not spare any of the Dalmatian legions at all, emperor?”

“Not if I am to deal with Attalus and the Senate quickly, I’m sorry to say.” Eucherius shook his head and ran a hand through his fair hair, looking gravely concerned. “I was not expecting the governors and garrisons of Suburbicaria[29] to declare for him so uniformly…”

“Neither was I.” Stilicho added, suddenly sounding quite grim. Apparently the purges he had undertaken after disposing of Olympius had not been thorough enough.

“So, while I acknowledge the East poses by far the greater threat, Attalus and his forces are like a dagger that is already on my throat. If I were to march east with the Italian and Dalmatian legions now, he could easily overrun Ravenna and doom us all before we reach you at Thessalonica.” Eucherius could not allow Ravenna to fall to the rebels. It was after all the seat of his government, formal capital of the West, and home to his family; his wife Galla Placidia, who formed part of his very claim to Honorius’ throne, was pregnant again, and he believed Priscus Attalus would kill that still-unborn child and their elder son Romanus at the first opportunity.

“But as my father says, you should have no fear about the strength of your army compared to the Orient’s legions!” The emperor pointed to a taller and broad-shouldered officer. “I understand, Aetius, that you have only just returned from the court of the Hunnic kings; but sadly I must give the task of returning to them and calling them to arms in our service, for they are the only earthly power capable of evening the odds between Alaric and the Eastern legions on such short notice. If you must, remind them that their nephew is still under our power.”

“I cannot say I particularly enjoy their company, honored emperor, but I will do as you command regardless.” Aetius replied, shooting a cold look at the hostage of which they spoke. This nephew of the Hunnish lords, a jet-haired boy who had a wolfish countenance even at his young age, in turn glared back at them with his ink-black eyes, having sat in sullen silence as his ‘guardians’ spoke of him and his fate as if he were not there. Though they had met only a week prior, they had taken an instant dislike to one another; Aetius thought him a surly and ungrateful brat, while young Attila seemed to resent all Romans for having humiliated his people in battle and taken him from his family – the aptitude he demonstrated for his lessons in Roman classics and at arms alike had been clouded by his increasingly rebellious attitude, which his tutors’ efforts to impose discipline on him only fueled even further.

Meanwhile, Alaric was visibly ambivalent about the prospect of fighting alongside the people who had persecuted his own for a century and killed his brother, nevermind that he also turned the skull of their last monarch into a goblet. He let out a sigh and shook his head, unsure whether to laugh or rage at the irony. Instead of doing either he turned to face Stilicho and groused, “You really should’ve wiped out this treacherous and bothersome Thing[30] of yours when you had the chance, eh Stilicho?” At least if he’d given that Senate of his a good thrashing back when Olympius rose against him, as Alaric would have if they had been an assembly of rebellious Gothic nobles, they could fight together against the East immediately and he wouldn’t have to treat with the Huns at all.

“…yes, I truly should have. That would have made this all much easier.” Stilicho admitted, grimacing. Those Senators had always looked down on him for his barbarian origins, and though he had shown them great clemency after defeating Olympius, they had repaid him with a rebellion he could ill-afford at this time. He would, and could not make the same mistake again. Alaric heard him, and laughed boomingly at the admission.

“By God, the Senate will face a reckoning for their treason, and for their constant spitting on our mercy and sacrifices.” Eucherius shared his father’s anger over the matter, but seemed far less amused at the thought than the Visigoth. “For now however, let us focus on eliminating the threat their legions pose to Ravenna before thinking about the punishments we can mete out to them, much less what to do after this war is behind us.” He turned to his chief bureaucrat, the man in charge of his secretaries and logisticians, recommended by Stilicho for that role on account of his administrative competence. Primicerius Joannes[31], how well-provisioned are our armies?”

“Very, honored Augustus.” The spindly, middle-aged administrator replied with a courteous nod. “The supply trains of the legions have been well-prepared for any occurrence, including this unfortunate fratricidal war we have found ourselves in, these past few years: rest assured neither you nor any of the other mighty men around this table will have to forage across the countryside to feed your soldiers any time soon. With any luck, you will not have to deal with further distractions while you contend with Attalus and Theodosius, and so will be able to defeat them before that changes – “

“Forgive me, great emperor, but I bring urgent news from the magister equitum per Gallias!” A messenger hastened into the war room, visibly sweaty and out of breath after not only dashing all the way here but arguing with the palace guards to let him in. “Britannia has risen against you. They have acclaimed the Comes Littoris Saxonici Constantine as emperor, and he has in turn installed the heretic Pelagius in the seat of the Bishop of Londinium before moving into Gaul where Dux Nebiogastes[32] has – far from opposing his landing – joined him with all his soldiers and the Armoric tribes! Constantius urgently requests any aid you might be able to send him.”

At the news of Constantine’s treason, the Western Romans around the table seemed to lose heart. Eucherius groaned and lowered his head into his hands, Aetius’ confident expression wavered, Joannes cringed and Alaric brought a fist down onto the war table, snarling at the primicerius, “Now why the FUCK did you have to tempt the Devil like that, fool?! Is your skull as soft as your hands?!” All knew that if they had nothing to spare for Alaric, they assuredly had even less than nothing to give Constantius. But Stilicho did not visibly despair at the crumbling and increasingly absurd strategic situation they were facing: instead, he threw his head back and laughed at it all. “Ah, splendid!” He was still chuckling as the others turned to look at him, incredulous. Perhaps, in his old age, death no longer commanded fear in his heart as it used to when he was younger. “I was getting worried this war would be too easy for us.”

And at these words, those others – starting with Alaric, then Eucherius, followed by Aetius, Joannes and the rest of the Western Roman officers in the room – began to share in the magister militum’s laughter, their mounting fears and concerns dispelled for that brief moment in time.

====================================================================================

[1] The Senate’s meeting house since 29 BC, when it was completed by Augustus (construction began in 44 BC under Caesar).

[2] Taken almost word-for-word from the first of Cicero’s Catiline Orations.

[3] Historically, Priscus Attalus was a failed usurper twice over, both times as a Visigothic puppet: first in 409-410, then again in 414-415. He was the last pagan to try to claim the purple, although he allowed himself to be baptized during his first usurpation.

[4] The Romans were famously sore about the idea of being ruled by a ‘king’ (Rex) since they ousted Tarquin the Proud, and avoiding this stigma was why Augustus (and generally, Roman rulers between him and the much more openly autocratic Diocletian) preferred to be known as Imperator (emperor/commander) and Princeps Civitalis (first citizen) instead. Naturally Priscus – here trying to justify his usurpation by championing Roman traditionalism against interloping ‘barbarian’ ‘kings’ – would love to cast Stilicho & Eucherius in the hated regal terms, and himself as the ever-flattering servant of the SPQR.

[5] Named after a 4th-century urban prefect of Rome.

[6] Paulinus was indeed a noted childhood companion of Theodosius’, and historically helped arrange his marriage to Aelia Eudocia. For this he was rewarded by being promoted to magister officiorum, one of the empire’s highest bureaucratic positions, until he fell out of favor thanks to the machinations of Chrysaphius.

[7] Chrysaphius was a prominent eunuch official of Theodosius’ court, said to be favored by the Emperor for his great beauty. He gained a sinister reputation for corruption at home and appeasing the Huns abroad, which turned out to be extremely expensive for the ERE. In 418 he had yet to attain his highest rank of Eastern praepositus sacri cubiculi (Antiochus still occupies that office), instead still being a cubicularius or regular palace eunuch – if still a much more important one than his peers thanks to the Emperor’s affection.

[8] Portchester.

[9] Eldest son of the usurper Constantine III, who conquered parts of Hispania for his father and killed several of Honorius’ cousins. Historically he was betrayed and captured by Gerontius, another of Constantine’s commanders, who put him to death in Vienne in 411.

[10] Constantine’s second son, a far more obscure figure than his brother.

[11] Lympne.

[12] Angons – javelins probably inspired by the Roman pilum, known to have been used by the Anglo-Saxons, Franks and other Germanic peoples of the Migration Period.

[13] An officer’s or governor’s quarters, originally just a tent, but by this time more likely a permanent building of varying size and luxury. It could range from a simple barrack, as is the case here in Portus Adurni, to a full-on palace in larger cities.

[14] The Channel.

[15] Duke of the Second Belgic Province, or military commander of the forces in Belgica Secunda (including a fleet) – modern northern France and Flanders. The Western Romans’ Frankish foederati would have been settled around this region, as well; indeed at one point, their king Childeric served as the dux.

[16] Avranches.

[17] Duke of the Armorican and Nervian lands, the western neighbor of the Dux Belgica Secunda. His authority would have extended across the Norman and Breton shores.

[18] At the mouth of the Seine.

[19] Paris.

[20] Andegavia refers to Anjou, and its civitas (capital) is modern Angers. Back then it was known simply as Civitas Andecavorum.

[21] York.

[22] Duke of the Britains, or commander of Roman forces in northern Britain between the Pennines and Hadrian’s Wall. The particular Gerontius Constantine is talking to here historically fought under him until 409, at which point he betrayed him and soon killed his son Constans. He was eventually burned alive when his own troops also betrayed him.

[23] These Sarmatian horsemen are probably not related to the ones stationed in Britain under Lucius Artorius Castus back in the 2nd century. The Roxolani originally lived in eastern Romania, the Iazyges in eastern Hungary and the Taifals in western Romania; by the 5th century, all had been crushed by the Huns. The Taifals may have been originally Germanic rather than Sarmatian, and those among them who joined the Romans were known to have embraced Chalcedonian Christianity rather than becoming Arians or staying pagans.

[24] The Isle of Thanet.

[25] One of Constantine’s lieutenants during his uprising. He was defeated and slain by Sarus in 407.

[26] Colchester.

[27] A condensation of all the Pelagian beliefs I could fit into a single prayer.

[28] Italia Annonaria – the diocese formed of northern Italy’s provinces, as well as Istria and Rhaetia.

[29] Italia Suburbicaria - the diocese formed of southern and central Italy’s provinces.

[30] Alaric understands the Senate as the Roman equivalent to the Germanic Thing, or lawspeaker’s assembly.

[31] Historically, Joannes was indeed a major bureaucrat in the Western Empire, holding the office of primicerius (head of an entire administrative department). He usurped the Western Roman throne after the death of Honorius in 423 and was supported by Flavius Aetius, but never managed to reach an agreement with the Eastern Roman court. Their legions killed him in 425 while Aetius was off getting help from the Huns and installed Valentinian III, Galla Placidia’s son by Constantius III, in his place.

[32] Nebiogastes was historically another one of Constantine’s lieutenants, and was slain early in his rebellion. His name suggests he was of a Frankish background, much like men such as Merobaudes and Arbogast(es).
 

PsihoKekec

Swashbuckling Accountant
Great work, I thought I couldn't despise the Senate of that age more than I already did, but you did a really good job of portraying the as the scheming, snivelling worms they were. Death is to good for the likes of them, but it will have to do

“Ah, splendid!” He was still chuckling as the others turned to look at him, incredulous. Perhaps, in his old age, death no longer commanded fear in his heart as it used to when he was younger. “I was getting worried this war would be too easy for us.”
Excellent save by Stilicho here, can't allow for defeatism to spread. I have a feeling Alaric will be a problem once Stilicho is gone.

Got to admit, while coloured text seemed weird to me at first, it helped me keep track who is talking once I got used to it.
 

gral

Well-known member
Great work, I thought I couldn't despise the Senate of that age more than I already did, but you did a really good job of portraying the as the scheming, snivelling worms they were. Death is to good for the likes of them, but it will have to do

Right now, the only thing I'm wondering is how wide and deep the killing will go - Stilcho and his son cannot afford not to kill the senators not, but will the culling reach End-of-Gothic-Wars levels? Judging by what happened to the Vandals, in comparison to OTL, I don't think so, but there will be blood. Lots of it.

Excellent save by Stilicho here, can't allow for defeatism to spread. I have a feeling Alaric will be a problem once Stilicho is gone.

So will be Attila. So will be Horsa and Hengist, for the Romano-Britons, should Constantine be defeated.

BTW, Constans is a lucky man, having Saber as his waifu.

Got to admit, while coloured text seemed weird to me at first, it helped me keep track who is talking once I got used to it.

Agreed.
 

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
Great work, I thought I couldn't despise the Senate of that age more than I already did, but you did a really good job of portraying the as the scheming, snivelling worms they were. Death is to good for the likes of them, but it will have to do


Excellent save by Stilicho here, can't allow for defeatism to spread. I have a feeling Alaric will be a problem once Stilicho is gone.

Got to admit, while coloured text seemed weird to me at first, it helped me keep track who is talking once I got used to it.
Indeed, the Senate has fallen so very far from the glory days that Priscus Attalus cynically tried to ape in the latest update. I'd like to present them as something other than a den of vipers (and certainly Stilicho & Eucherius would've preferred to deal with such a Senate than the one they have in-universe!) but it seems the time for that passed at least a century prior. From what I've been able to find, they're at their best in Rome's twilight years when they're just staying out of the way of better emperors or generals; pretty much every time a notable Senator or Senators crop up, it's either to be a usurper (Eugenius and Priscus Attalus, for example) or just a senselessly malicious & spiteful idiot (Olympius).

Oh yes - even if the Western Romans manage to preserve the status quo ante in the East, that means leaving Alaric and his Visigoths to continue laying down roots across a territory stretching from modern Bosnia & Serbia to the Peloponnese. That's going to give the barbarians a lot of leverage within the empire, even if they don't immediately become rebellious. Alaric and Stilicho might have become pretty friendly to each other over the years, but it's far from guaranteed at this point that Eucherius will enjoy similar ties to the former.

I picked up the habit from some play-by-post RPs a long time ago, thought it might help now as it did then when it comes to writing & reading dialogue-heavy narrative sections like this one. Glad to hear that it did!
Right now, the only thing I'm wondering is how wide and deep the killing will go - Stilcho and his son cannot afford not to kill the senators not, but will the culling reach End-of-Gothic-Wars levels? Judging by what happened to the Vandals, in comparison to OTL, I don't think so, but there will be blood. Lots of it.



So will be Attila. So will be Horsa and Hengist, for the Romano-Britons, should Constantine be defeated.

BTW, Constans is a lucky man, having Saber as his waifu.



Agreed.
Yes - when & if Stilicho & Eucherius defeat Priscus Attalus, balancing their sanguinary desire for revenge on the not-so-august body which has screwed them over repeatedly; the need to be able to move out of Italy to deal with other threats without immediately getting backstabbed again; and keeping enough Senators alive to prove they aren't as barbaric as their enemies claim (as well as to recruit future administrators and diplomats from), will be another pressing challenge on top of all the ones already on their plate.

Oh yeah, the Jutish twins and Attila will definitely be important in the future. Pretty much everyone mentioned by name will have roles of some significance to play, really, even if not all of them will necessarily survive this latest Roman civil war.

And glad to see someone caught on to the Fate reference quickly, heh. Couldn't resist throwing that in between learning that Constans had an unnamed wife IRL in my research and the opportunity to tie this new Constantinian dynasty to the better-known British legate Lucius Artorius Castus - after all, 'Artoria' was actually the feminine counterpart of the latter's nomen and known to have been used by multiple minor female Roman figures recorded in history.
 

stevep

Well-known member
Well we have another year of the 4 emperors, so to speak but the western empire is going to be under great stress with everything happening. Bloody surprised that the Senate would be that damned stupid but it sounds as if its going to be a year - possibly even more - of blood. Ditto with the eastern emperor and great sympathy for Paulinus trying and failing to prevent another cycle of bloodshed and devastation that can only help the empire's enemies.

I was wondering given the position he's been placed in, whether Alaric might consider trying to do a deal with the east. Especially with the news of the British rebellion as it means that after hopefully defeating Priscus Attalus, Stilicho & Eucherius are likely to need to face that challenge 1st. Brutally speaking the can probably afford to sacrifice Alaric's lands and people to gain time so they can unite the west under their banner. If they try and aid Alaric before defeating the northern challenge, especially given the racial/political hostility against Stilicho's barbarian roots they face a risk of losing the entire western power-base and that must be clear for all three of them.

I suspect Britain is in for 'interesting times' :eek: with basically a religious war brewing plus the country being largely left in the hands of one set of Germanic mercenaries tasked to stop others overrunning it while the bulk of the provinces strength are elsewhere. What the twins are up to and whether it goes to plan or totally backfires there's going to be mayhem there I fear.

Not to mention the longer term loyalty of the Goths and whatever the Huns get up to. I forget if Alaric and most of his people are still Arian here or had converted to the Orthodox/Catholic faith dominant in most of the empire. If the latter I could see, with careful handling, them staying loyal and merging in with the empire but things could turn nasty very quickly in situations such as this. However the Huns, even without the shadow of Attila are almost certain to be a continuous threat to all the empire. Plus as said in the 1st section how long can the Persians be trusted not to take advantage of Roman weakness?

I found the colour coded speech difficult, especially since it meant I had to highlight much of it to make it readable but an interesting idea to make it clearer who is saying what in such discussions.

Dark days ahead for the empire whatever happens.
 

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
Well we have another year of the 4 emperors, so to speak but the western empire is going to be under great stress with everything happening. Bloody surprised that the Senate would be that damned stupid but it sounds as if its going to be a year - possibly even more - of blood. Ditto with the eastern emperor and great sympathy for Paulinus trying and failing to prevent another cycle of bloodshed and devastation that can only help the empire's enemies.

I was wondering given the position he's been placed in, whether Alaric might consider trying to do a deal with the east. Especially with the news of the British rebellion as it means that after hopefully defeating Priscus Attalus, Stilicho & Eucherius are likely to need to face that challenge 1st. Brutally speaking the can probably afford to sacrifice Alaric's lands and people to gain time so they can unite the west under their banner. If they try and aid Alaric before defeating the northern challenge, especially given the racial/political hostility against Stilicho's barbarian roots they face a risk of losing the entire western power-base and that must be clear for all three of them.

I suspect Britain is in for 'interesting times' :eek: with basically a religious war brewing plus the country being largely left in the hands of one set of Germanic mercenaries tasked to stop others overrunning it while the bulk of the provinces strength are elsewhere. What the twins are up to and whether it goes to plan or totally backfires there's going to be mayhem there I fear.

Not to mention the longer term loyalty of the Goths and whatever the Huns get up to. I forget if Alaric and most of his people are still Arian here or had converted to the Orthodox/Catholic faith dominant in most of the empire. If the latter I could see, with careful handling, them staying loyal and merging in with the empire but things could turn nasty very quickly in situations such as this. However the Huns, even without the shadow of Attila are almost certain to be a continuous threat to all the empire. Plus as said in the 1st section how long can the Persians be trusted not to take advantage of Roman weakness?

I found the colour coded speech difficult, especially since it meant I had to highlight much of it to make it readable but an interesting idea to make it clearer who is saying what in such discussions.

Dark days ahead for the empire whatever happens.
Unfortunately for the Romans in general, the Senate seemed to do incredibly dumb things all too often in this time period. There was already Eugenius' usurpation in the 390s soon after Theodosius the Great had defeated Magnus Maximus, which led to the latter seriously mauling the Western legions at the Frigidus before dying, and of course Olympius' historical overthrow of Stilicho - after which he & the Senate proceeded to not make a single correct decision for two years (and fellow senator Priscus Attalus briefly became a usurper with Alaric's backing, screwing the situation up even further), directly leading into the sack of Rome by the Visigoths. It's as I said before: it really seemed like the Senate was at its best in Rome's last century when it did nothing, and when they did make history it was pretty much always for the wrong reasons.

The choice between whether to go help Alaric in Illyricum or Constantius in Gaul first will be a tough one, for sure. The East is the richer, stronger and (short term) more threatening enemy by far, but the longer Constantine is allowed to march across Gaul, the more likely it is that more barbarians will take the opportunity to storm the weakened Rhine frontier - and if that collapses, Stilicho & Eucherius will be in the position they avoided way back at the beginning of the TL, staring down a possibly endless tide of barbarians pouring into their half of the empire. Either way, it looks like it'll almost certainly take Eucherius years to deal with these ordeals, unless he's extremely lucky - and if he had such good fortune, it would've been better spent on preventing at least one of the three rival emperors from rising against him in the first place.

Whether Alaric might try to bargain with the East is an interesting question, as well: he might be buddies with Stilicho now, but that won't last if he thinks Stilicho is leaving him out to dry on Eastern Roman spears, and his conduct IRL does show that he's not a stranger to breaking deals once they're no longer useful to him or he thinks there's something to gain. That the Easterners are also sending Sigeric - the brother of Sarus who shared that guy's hatred of Alaric, and whose sentiments have only intensified since Alaric killed said brother ITL - as part of Monaxius' army might complicate any such schemes even further, though.

Oh yes, the religious divide is going to complicate life in Britain even more after the Jutes start putting down roots. Pelagius isn't the only bigshot cleric around; this is also around the time when the future Saint Patrick was starting to become active as a missionary, after all, and the future Saint Germanus (an avowed enemy of Pelagianism) will have just become Bishop of Auxerre in 418, neither of whom are likely to just let Britannia slip out of communion with Rome without a fight. Even if the Pelagian teachings prevail in Britain overall, that'd almost certainly mean the island's isolation from the still-standing Roman Empire(s) on religious grounds: which may not even necessarily be a bad thing if the objective is to create an independent British identity, but then that depends on the Romano-Britons not getting annihilated by the emerging Anglo-Saxons (of which the Jutes are only one part) and various local Celtic peoples, so...

Sorry about the colored text! I tried to use lighter colors for the most part (in combination with the default blue theme of the Sietch), but was starting to run out of colors and thought the purples not only fit Eastern Roman characters' dialogue well, but also that it seemed more legible against the black backdrop of the spoiler boxes in my post-preview. If it helps, I find that temporarily switching the forum style makes the text more readable; a white theme for darker text, and the 'Shades of Blue' default or the black & gold 'Testing Style' for light-colored text. Happy to hear it still helped you keep track of who was saying what though, since as I also mentioned in my previous post, that was my intent. More generally, I will absolutely try to stick to lighter colors as much as possible going forward, since those seem much better suited for the default Sietch style.

Edit: Also, to answer your second-to-last paragraph there, which I ran out of time to address before having to leave earlier - the Goths are indeed still Arians. Trust me, when or if they ever go orthodox, it's going to be a big enough moment not just religiously but politically that it'll probably deserve its own paragraphs if not its own chapter. I can't spoil what's going to happen with the Huns or Sassanids, but I can say that the latter will be making their first proper appearance within the Roman world in a big way very soon - as in 'within the next one or two chapters' soon.
 
Last edited:

stevep

Well-known member
Unfortunately for the Romans in general, the Senate seemed to do incredibly dumb things all too often in this time period. There was already Eugenius' usurpation in the 390s soon after Theodosius the Great had defeated Magnus Maximus, which led to the latter seriously mauling the Western legions at the Frigidus before dying, and of course Olympius' historical overthrow of Stilicho - after which he & the Senate proceeded to not make a single correct decision for two years (and fellow senator Priscus Attalus briefly became a usurper with Alaric's backing, screwing the situation up even further), directly leading into the sack of Rome by the Visigoths. It's as I said before: it really seemed like the Senate was at its best in Rome's last century when it did nothing, and when they did make history it was pretty much always for the wrong reasons.

The choice between whether to go help Alaric in Illyricum or Constantius in Gaul first will be a tough one, for sure. The East is the richer, stronger and (short term) more threatening enemy by far, but the longer Constantine is allowed to march across Gaul, the more likely it is that more barbarians will take the opportunity to storm the weakened Rhine frontier - and if that collapses, Stilicho & Eucherius will be in the position they avoided way back at the beginning of the TL, staring down a possibly endless tide of barbarians pouring into their half of the empire. Either way, it looks like it'll almost certainly take Eucherius years to deal with these ordeals, unless he's extremely lucky - and if he had such good fortune, it would've been better spent on preventing at least one of the three rival emperors from rising against him in the first place.

Whether Alaric might try to bargain with the East is an interesting question, as well: he might be buddies with Stilicho now, but that won't last if he thinks Stilicho is leaving him out to dry on Eastern Roman spears, and his conduct IRL does show that he's not a stranger to breaking deals once they're no longer useful to him or he thinks there's something to gain. That the Easterners are also sending Sigeric - the brother of Sarus who shared that guy's hatred of Alaric, and whose sentiments have only intensified since Alaric killed said brother ITL - as part of Monaxius' army might complicate any such schemes even further, though.

Oh yes, the religious divide is going to complicate life in Britain even more after the Jutes start putting down roots. Pelagius isn't the only bigshot cleric around; this is also around the time when the future Saint Patrick was starting to become active as a missionary, after all, and the future Saint Germanus (an avowed enemy of Pelagianism) will have just become Bishop of Auxerre in 418, neither of whom are likely to just let Britannia slip out of communion with Rome without a fight. Even if the Pelagian teachings prevail in Britain overall, that'd almost certainly mean the island's isolation from the still-standing Roman Empire(s) on religious grounds: which may not even necessarily be a bad thing if the objective is to create an independent British identity, but then that depends on the Romano-Britons not getting annihilated by the emerging Anglo-Saxons (of which the Jutes are only one part) and various local Celtic peoples, so...

Sorry about the colored text! I tried to use lighter colors for the most part (in combination with the default blue theme of the Sietch), but was starting to run out of colors and thought the purples not only fit Eastern Roman characters' dialogue well, but also that it seemed more legible against the black backdrop of the spoiler boxes in my post-preview. If it helps, I find that temporarily switching the forum style makes the text more readable; a white theme for darker text, and the 'Shades of Blue' default or the black & gold 'Testing Style' for light-colored text. Happy to hear it still helped you keep track of who was saying what though, since as I also mentioned in my previous post, that was my intent. More generally, I will absolutely try to stick to lighter colors as much as possible going forward, since those seem much better suited for the default Sietch style.

Edit: Also, to answer your second-to-last paragraph there, which I ran out of time to address before having to leave earlier - the Goths are indeed still Arians. Trust me, when or if they ever go orthodox, it's going to be a big enough moment not just religiously but politically that it'll probably deserve its own paragraphs if not its own chapter. I can't spoil what's going to happen with the Huns or Sassanids, but I can say that the latter will be making their first proper appearance within the Roman world in a big way very soon - as in 'within the next one or two chapters' soon.


Circle of Willis

Thanks for the reply. Good point about the problem Alaric would have dealing with the eastern empire with Sigeric being an important figure in the invading army.

No problem with the colours. As I said I simply highlighted each paragraph as I read it to make the text clear. Something of a tech dino nowadays so that's the easiest way of doing it.

As you say religion is going to be an issue both with the Goths being Arian and also a Pelagianism upsurge in Britain, which is likely to have resistance there as well. In two minds about what happens with Britain as being English myself I wonder what would happen to my very distant ancestors if the Anglo-Saxon invasions don't occur/fail.

That last sentence could be very ominous for the empire. Even if the Persian interference is 'initially' friendly it could well undermine imperial influence in areas affected.

Forgot to say earlier but it was an interesting step putting the main body of the text into spoiler sections. Did help shorten it for reading and cross-checking with the notes, which I assume was the purpose as otherwise I think it was a bloody long chapter.

Have to see which emperor's succeed and how many losses and damage they take in the process.

One other dynamic will also be important. So many people are used to looking towards Stilicho as the leader but his son is now his superior as the emperor. How well the pair of them and assorted other figures adjust to this will be important as well. Especially the 1st time Eucherius makes a decision that Stilocho disagrees with. How much [and in what ways] does the father argue to try and change his son's mind and how does the son react to the 'old man' stepping out of his subordinate role.

Anyway looking forward to seeing future chapters. :)

Steve
 
Map of the Mediterranean world, 418

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
The next chapter isn't ready yet - should have it out before the weekend, maybe even tomorrow - but in the meantime, I do have a small update: a map of the situation on the eve of the four emperors duking it out.

2BhfsKJ.png


1. Western Roman Empire under Eucherius & Stilicho
2. Priscus Attalus & the Senate
3. Claudius Constantine & the Romano-British
4. Eastern Roman Empire
5. Franks
6. Burgundians
7. Visigoths
8. Huns
9. Silingi Vandals, Alans and Suebi
10. Garamantians
11. Caucasian kingdoms of Lazica, Iberia & Albania
12. Sassanid Empire
13. Ghassanids
14. Lakhmids
 
Last edited:

ATP

Well-known member
Great story,and plausible.Honorius being Honorius,but with less luck,and Alans being Alans,but also with less luck.
But,now when Vandals dying before they could sacked Rome,what we would say instead of "vandalise" something?
And poor Stilith trying to save Empire which do not wish be saved...maybe he would replace Sizyphus as methapor of hopeless task.
 

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
Great story,and plausible.Honorius being Honorius,but with less luck,and Alans being Alans,but also with less luck.
But,now when Vandals dying before they could sacked Rome,what we would say instead of "vandalise" something?
And poor Stilith trying to save Empire which do not wish be saved...maybe he would replace Sizyphus as methapor of hopeless task.
Indeedy, I chose Stilicho surviving (and there being no Crossing of the Rhine) as the POD not just because I like the guy, but also because it seemed like the dominoes for the West's fall were set into motion at their earliest with his downfall. Between Theodosius I's death in 395 and the Crossing of the Rhine in 406 it seemed like the WRE was struggling but still actually staying afloat reasonably well, with Stilicho subduing every threat from Gildo in Africa to Alaric & Radagaisus' Goths while no usurper arose to challenge Honorius from within and the frontiers continued to hold.

Then the Vandals & Alans defeated the Franks on the Rhenish frontier and everything just went south at a ridiculously fast pace, of which Olympius & Honorius offing Stilicho but then failing at literally everything else they did was only one of several huge parts. I don't think anyone living in mid-406 could have foreseen that Rome itself would be sacked in less than five years, even if the next few years weren't necessarily going to be peachy.

As for the Vandals, they're not all gone yet. The Hasdingi (the more famous tribe we know of) are, but their Silingi cousins survive in Africa. Who knows, maybe they'll find some other occasion to lend their name as a byword for property-destroyers ITL? Or if not, there's a lot of other barbarian peoples who can fill a similar role...
 

stevep

Well-known member
The next chapter isn't ready yet - should have it out before the weekend, maybe even tomorrow - but in the meantime, I do have a small update: a map of the situation on the eve of the four emperors duking it out.

2BhfsKJ.png


1. Western Roman Empire under Eucherius & Stilicho
2. Priscus Attalus & the Senate
3. Claudius Constantine & the Romano-British
4. Eastern Roman Empire
5. Franks
6. Burgundians
7. Visigoths
8. Huns
9. Silingi Vandals, Alans and Suebi
10. Garamantians
11. Caucasian kingdoms of Lazica, Iberia & Albania
12. Sassanid Empire
13. Ghassanids
14. Lakhmids

Well one important question is how secure is Eucherius & Stilicho's hold on N Africa? There could still be resentment there after the previous war and now we have a 'barbarian' being made emperor. On the other hand the previous regime's support of Donatistism could well have made the Catholic population a lot more loyal and much would depend on the views of the assorted German tribes that Stilicho settled there. If they do stay loyal then once the passion of Priscus's denouncement of the new regime passes he and his supporters have the issue of securing the food supply for the capital. It could be that for all the passion of the elite against Eucherius calmer minds will be thinking of popular revolts against them because the food supply is threatened or running out.

One other issue is simple practicality. Stilicho has successfully defended the western empire against all comers, including barbarians. usurpers and the eastern empire. You could see a fair number of people saying "what the f**k are those people thinking. The last thing we need now is another civil war". Better the devil you know, especially given how good a job he has done.

Steve
 

ATP

Well-known member
Romans ship were capable of reacjing America and return,so in some future author could use it.They cerainly sailed to India and Ceylon,maybe even China.
 
418-419: War of the Four Emperors, Part I

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
The death of Honorius on January 31, 418 and his disputed succession as Western Roman Emperor by Stilicho’s son Eucherius sparked what came to be known as the ‘War of the Four Emperors’. Contesting Eucherius’ succession were Priscus Attalus, an elderly Greco-Roman Senator who was elected to the purple by his peers and bought the loyalty of southern and central Italy through his fabulous wealth & carefully cultivated political connections; Theodosius II, the Eastern Roman Emperor, who refused to acknowledge Eucherius as his co-equal peer in ruling the empire of his grandfather and father; and Constantine of Britain, formerly the Count of the Saxon Shore, who increased his strength by forming a marriage alliance with the Jutes and inviting them to live in Kent as foederati, and also purchasing the allegiance of the Armorican tribes. Against all these opponents Eucherius and his father, still able in his old age, had to rely on their dispersed but faithful lieutenants – men such as Alaric and Constantius – as well as their own loyal legions. To start with, he did have the advantage of Africa’s continued loyalty: Marcellinus, the governing prefect of that diocese, and Bishop Augustine of Hippo had not forgotten what the new emperor’s father had done for them and for the cause of religious orthodoxy in North Africa.

After first publicly titling his six-year-old son Romanus Caesar, Eucherius prioritized Priscus Attalus as his first target for elimination, beginning his campaign against the usurper by commanding Marcellinus to shut down the grain shipments to Rome. Arguably he had no choice, as although Attalus was far from the strongest of his rivals, he was the closest to the Western capital of Ravenna. By late spring he and Stilicho were marching directly on Rome at the head of some 15,000 soldiers – all of the field legionaries they could assemble on short notice, coupled with some of the Gothic foederati still kept around after they crushed Olympius to police the peninsula. To oppose them, Attalus (who had no military experience to speak of and was well aware that he personally stood no chance against the father-and-son team on the battlefield) had bribed several commanders and their men to do his fighting for him, in addition to several thousand mercenaries: mostly retired legionary veterans who were willing to fight Stilicho for extremely generous salaries, courtesy of Attalus’ coffers. The patrician Castinus[1], who had served Honorius well enough but felt he owed no loyalty to Stilicho or Eucherius, was given supreme command of this roughly 9,000-strong Senatorial army.

As the loyalist army marched down the Via Flaminia[2], Castinus moved to stop them in the gap between the Northern and Central Apennines, where he thought he could negate their numerical superiority. Pushing his soldiers hard from the moment they exited Rome’s gates, he managed to beat the larger but slower enemy army to the pass, and established his headquarters at the mountain village of Iguvium[3] while he waited for Stilicho and Eucherius to arrive. However Stilicho’s scouts detected Castinus’ presence, and the magister militum accordingly hatched a plan to defeat the patrician’s scheme. While Eucherius continued to march with the vast majority of the loyalist legions, deliberately stringing out his column and setting so many campfires every time he stopped that Castinus believed he was still moving with the entire loyalist army, Stilicho took a page out of Alaric’s book and moved with 3,000 of the loyalist troops – a corps almost entirely comprised of their skirmishers, lighter-armed auxiliaries and horsemen – further to the west, intent on slipping through the Apennines undetected while Castinus prepared to face Eucherius and to take the Senate’s general by surprise when he least expected it.

When Eucherius finally appeared before Iguvium on April 14, Castinus immediately gave battle and drew up his troops in a great shield-wall to block his advance in the pass. At first things went according to plan: though Eucherius’ army was larger than his, he was unable to take advantage of his superior numbers thanks to the constricting and rough terrain of the Apennine pass, and it seemed as though Castinus might be able to throw him back. But within an hour of the fighting having started in earnest, Stilicho suddenly emerged behind and above the Attalid army, easily dispatching the handful of guards Castinus had left behind in Iguvium itself. The Senatorial forces panicked at the sight of their imminent encirclement and began to break at Stilicho’s first charge, despite the light armament of his men, while Eucherius’ legionaries pressed their advantage and decisively cracked through Castinus’ confused and crumbling front line. Castinus himself escaped the resulting bloodbath, but most of his men did not; of the 9,000 he started the battle with, a third were killed or surrendered and still many more deserted to scatter back into the countryside after their defeat.

1QQVy6M.jpg

The Battle of Iguvium seemed an even contest until Stilicho emerged from the mountains behind and above the Senate's army

As Castinus and barely 2,000 battered survivors hastened back to Rome, the already hungry city descended into riotous panic as it did after the defeat of Olympius’ lieutenant Valens a decade prior, worsened further by word that Marcellinus had landed an army under the general Boniface[4] in southern Italy. No small number of the Senators who had backed Attalus now argued that the war was unwinnable and advised him to surrender immediately. Attalus had tried to sway Marcellinus to his side, but the African governor and civil-religious establishment remained firmly loyal to Stilicho’s regime and his emissaries to Carthage ended up being arrested in the presence of Bishop Augustine. Feeling increasingly out of options, Attalus decided to abandon the Italian peninsula proper and try to fight Stilicho from the nearby islands, counting on flipping the Western Roman navy’s allegiance and also inciting the barbarian foederati in Africa against Stilicho’s loyalists (disregarding the obvious hypocrisy of relying on barbarians to attack Roman citizens, and that they were still recovering from the beating Stilicho gave them at the start of the decade).

Unfortunately for the Senator-turned-usurper, God or the gods had heard his call to smite him if his courage ever wavered in the face of Stilicho’s offensive back when he was first getting the Senate to elect him to the purple. Soon after sailing from Ostia for Corsica on April 28, he managed to avoid a pro-Stilicho naval patrol…by sailing directly into a brewing storm, which unsurprisingly resulted in his boat being sunk and all on board losing their lives. While Attalus was drowning, as the urban mob began to riot and the Senate (well, those Senators who had not also immediately fled Rome themselves) debated whether to fight to the bitter end or submit to Eucherius & Stilicho, Castinus had recognized the futility of further resistance and – while the current speaker on the Senate floor was, almost farcically, debating whether they even had enough members left to achieve quorum – made their decision for them by ordering his men to stand down, allowing the aforementioned mob to open the city gates gates to their true emperor. One imperial challenger down, two to go for Eucherius.

Though Castinus was rewarded for allowing them to take Rome without bloodshed by ‘merely’ being exiled to Malta rather than losing his head, the new emperor and his father were thoroughly unamused by the Senate’s latest revolt against their authority, and sought to once and for all put the decayed institution in its place – firmly beneath their fist. Eucherian soldiers moved into position to bar anyone from leaving or entering the Curia Julia, and those Senators now trapped in the building were required to swear allegiance to Eucherius as their new Augustus: against his vengeful and sanguinary initial instincts, Eucherius judged that he could not afford to simply execute the rest of the Senators who betrayed him (which was to say, pretty much all of them) and settled on extorting some gains from them instead, starting with their fealty. Those who refused – some 38 in all out of 231 present – were run through or cut apart on the spot by his loyal legionaries and Gothic foederati, a grisly display on the Senate floor which persuaded the others in the chamber who hadn’t bent their knees already to do so immediately.

But of course, Eucherius was not about to take these men at their word; at Stilicho’s advice, he demanded of the survivors a hostage from their families, to be treated hospitably at Ravenna until and unless their kin should break faith with him once again. Next, from the 100 wealthiest and most outspoken supporters of Attalus – including his own family, as well as members of the gentes Auchenia and Junia – he confiscated considerable chunks of their latifundiae[5]. To the coloni[6] bound to the seized estates he offered another choice: continue to toil for the state, or have their debts forgiven & be given a slice of the land they worked day after day – the deed to which would be retained within their family until and unless they should sell it off or commit some grievous crime against imperial authority – in exchange for enlisting with his army for no less than 15 years. A similar offer was made to the slaves on these latifundiae: march with Eucherius, and they would not only be freed but also be paid a sufficient salary (coming out of the ransoms ‘liberated’ from their former owners’ treasuries) to establish themselves after, and if, they lived to defeat all of their new emperor’s enemies.

Still other portions of the confiscated estates were parceled out to the families of Eucherius’ soldiers, so as to keep them loyal for the battles to come. Finally, from another 100 Senators the emperor was able to extort a grand total of 2,500 pounds of gold, which would naturally be very helpful in paying his troops and officials. At his father’s suggestion, the emperor trusted Joannes the primicerius to manage these economic transfers to the people and the imperial treasury respectively. From the seized latifundiae of so few Eucherius & Stilicho could raise many new soldiers, and with the gold they didn’t spend immediately on donatives to the men they already had, they could hire even more mercenaries (including, ironically, some of those who had just fought for Priscus Attalus): 16,000 legionary recruits of the former category and 5,000 bucellarii belonging to the latter by Joannes’ final count, though the first would need quite some time and money to train & equip to a point where they’d be of any real use against the veteran British legions and the might of the Orient.

5hvzde5.jpg

Freedmen & former coloni training to become sagittarii, or archers, in Eucherius' new army

While these decrees economically crippled the Roman Senate’s surviving leading men and gave Eucherius much valuable manpower, they were quickly taken advantage of by his remaining rivals, who in any case were already moving through his territories at a steady pace. First Theodosius’ court was joined by many of the Senators who had fled Eucherius’ wrath, and together they denounced Eucherius and Stilicho as dangerous anarchists who were answering their barbarian blood’s call to overturn the order of the Roman world and dispossess upstanding Roman citizens of their lawful property. Many provincial landowners in the way of the Eastern legions agreed, and went over to them. Monaxius and his army had ground through northeastern Macedonia throughout the spring, and reached Thessalonica on April 26 while Eucherius was about to strike at Rome itself; they wasted no time in investing the city, and found their strength only growing as word of Eucherius’ edicts spread. On May 10 Alaric succeeded in breaking out of the city with a night-time sally, but saved little more than himself, his own family and a few thousand of his warriors; the city’s remaining defenders surrendered the very next day. Monaxius allowed his own Visigoth subordinate, Sarus’ brother Sigeric, to vent his own vengeful frustrations on the Gothic officers loyal to Alaric and their kin.

Elsewhere across the prefecture of Illyricum, rebel aristocrats’ militias either attached themselves to the legions of Monaxius or else began to independently attack Gothic settlers and Eucherian loyalist outposts on top of terrorizing any coloni whose allegiances they doubted, turning the Illyric countryside into a warzone. Alaric managed to make his way to Naissus, but all hope of holding the Diocese of Macedonia was lost with the fall of Thessalonica; within another month, every major city down to Athens had declared for Theodosius II, sometimes even before detachments of the Eastern army reached them to demand their allegiance. To oppose Monaxius’ advance the Visigoth king rebuilt his army around Naissus with the Gothic settlers expelled from the south, smashing pro-Theodosius militias in the remaining half of Illyricum under his control with extreme brutality and allowing those same settlers’ families to squat on their leaders’ estates (usually after publicly torturing said ringleaders to death).

While Eucherius suppressed the Senate in Italy and Monaxius drove Alaric from southern Illyricum, Constantine took inspiration from the former’s edicts to threaten the same to any Gallic landowners in his way, while promising to not only respect their property but even give them their neighbors’ and rivals’ lands if they joined him instead. This had similar effect on the western provinces, driving many of the aristocrats there to fully commit either to his side or that of Eucherius to challenge their local rivals and plunging rural Gaul into anarchy. As the British army marched onward, their Jutish auxiliaries in particular aggressively pillaged the countryside, compounding the locals’ suffering. Count Arigius tried to set an ambush for them at the head of a force of Frankish foederati, but was himself lured into and soundly defeated in a surprise attack engineered by Hengist and Constans near Rotomagus[7] and fell back eastward.

Despite Arigius’ defeat Constantius, the loyal magister equitum per Gallias, advanced against Constantine’s main army, though he was significantly outnumbered (due to a lack of support from Italy), and met them along the banks of the Ebura[8] west of Lutetia on May 20. The formidable but unruly Sarmatian horsemen of Constantine’s van, led by his eldest son Constans, had rejoined him, and so they went on to overcome Constantius’ much smaller cavalry corps and even sack his camp; but in the meantime, the Eucherian infantry – formed up into an offensive wedge – broke through the more numerous ranks of their British counterparts as they crossed the ford. Constantine himself feared for his life and ordered a retreat at this point; now all Constans could do was beat his Sarmatians back into formation and minimize his side’s casualties by harrying Constantius, disrupting the latter’s pursuit of his father’s army. The Jutes to the northeast were still too far away to participate in the battle, and only managed to rejoin Constantine after his defeat. For the time being, it seemed Lutetia was safe, and the only comfort Constantine and Constans had was that the latter’s son Ambrosius was safely born in Londinium a few days later.

Alas, just a week had gone by when Constantius received word from the frontier that the Burgundian tribe, joined by some of the Alamanni, had not failed to notice the chaos engulfing the Western Roman Empire, and promptly stormed across the Rhine. Once more Arigius found he could not hope to defeat the barbarian horde in the field, especially not after his defeat at Rotomagus, so he retreated behind the walls of Augusta Treverorum and appealed for help from Constantius while the Burgundians laid waste to the eastern Gallic countryside. Constantius obliged and moved to counter this newest invasion; but while he did so, Constantine reordered his army in Andegavia and marched once more on Lutetia. He took the city by bribing some of its garrison’s officers to leave the gate unlocked on the night of June 8, through which Constans and Julian promptly led several thousand of his most honored veterans and quickly overran the remaining loyal defenders. With this victory, he secured much of northwestern Gaul and opened the way into the region’s central provinces.

Meanwhile Constantius marched his host to attack the Burgundians as they besieged Augusta Treverorum, having failed to prevent the fall and brutal sack of Borbetomagus[9] a week prior. On July 1 they fell upon the Burgundian horde at the same time that Arigius led the men inside to sally forth, driving King Gundahar[10] from the field amidst great bloodshed. But the victory was pyrrhic, for the Western Romans incurred losses they could not afford while Gundahar survived to fall back to Borbetomagus and still had more than enough warriors to pose a huge threat to Gaul. While Constantius was busy evacuating the remaining Rhenish frontier towns & garrisons southward, Constantine sent an envoy to treat with Gundahar and formed an alliance with the barbarian king, promising to settle the Burgundian people in all Gaul between the Sequana and Rhodanus[11] as foederati after he secured his hold on the purple.

pu3zvhg.png

With the Gallic legions in disarray or outright defecting to Constantine, Gallo-Romans living in the Burgundians' way regularly had to bribe the barbarians to not kill them and their families

Between the two threats, Eucherius – fresh from celebrating the birth of his second son, who he named Theodosius in honor of the Emperor to whom his father owed so much – decided to divide his forces, prioritizing the Eastern legions first while betting on his new legions to be capable of taking on Constantine in due time. While he remained behind to ensure Italy remained under control and to oversee the training and arming of his many new recruits, he dispatched his father with several of the grizzled Dalmatian legions and 3,500 of the new bucellarii to back up Alaric. By this time Aetius’ mission to the Hunnish court had also proved to be a success, and the general was crossing back over the Danube with 7,000 Hun riders in tow, led jointly by himself and the khagans’ older nephew Bleda. Though the Eastern Romans had attacked Naissus and driven Alaric back from that city toward Sirmium, as 418 drew to a close and 419 began he was finally joined by Stilicho’s and Aetius’ reinforcements: now the Western Romans had the strength to fairly fight their Eastern brethren in Illyricum, and sow the prefecture’s fields with their blood.

The three generals moved to engage Monaxius’ army, which they now matched in number at approximately 25,000 men, on a plain near Ad Octavium[12] on March 9, 419. Their infantry lines were evenly matched and neither the Eastern nor Western Romans could get the upper hand over the other as they stabbed, slashed and wrestled on the battlefield; however, the Hun horsemen made all the difference on the two armies’ flanks, where they helped put the Eastern Roman cavalry to flight. Faced with the threat of encirclement, Monaxius ordered a retreat, and Sigeric personally led their reserves into a rearguard action that preserved the remaining Oriental forces from spiraling into a disastrous rout. Thus, to their relatively good fortune, the Eastern legions only sustained about 3,000 casualties despite their defeat while inflicting a third of that number on the Western army. This did not dissuade Stilicho from aggressively pursuing him over the next few days and weeks, however, and after a flanking force under Aetius broke through Sigeric’s defense at Ulpiana[13] and left Naissus vulnerable to attack from the north and west, Monaxius gave up on defending his western Dacian conquests and withdrew from that part of the diocese altogether. Nonetheless, to preserve control in the regained provinces, Eucherius and Stilicho had to issue proclamations that nobody living there had to fear confiscations of their land and wealth – that policy was apparently to remain confined to the Senators in Italy.

The two armies met again properly two months later, this time by the town of Nicopolis ad Nestum[14] – the City of Victory by the Nestos River, which Trajan had founded three centuries prior to celebrate his victory over the Dacians. This time Monaxius enjoyed a clear terrain advantage, and was content to stand fast and let Stilicho try his luck against well-prepared defensive formations on the other side of a river, swelled by the autumn rains and flanked by forests & mountains. Too bad for him, Stilicho wasn’t enough of a fool to simply march his troops into such an obviously strong position.

Remembering well how the Huns had nearly defeated him and actually defeated Alaric’s brother with feigned retreats, the Western magister militum instead had Bleda and Aetius’ light cavalry do just that to draw part of the Eastern Roman forces out of formation, then crushed the 4,000 who fell for the bait on his side of the river. This done, he ordered a general offensive across the Nestos before Monaxius could fill the new gap in his lines – in particular, having Alaric lead their combined heavy cavalry directly through said gap and at Monaxius’ own position, forcing the Eastern commanders to flee for their life. The result was a more serious defeat for the Eastern Romans than the Battle of Ad Octavium: they were thrown off the battlefield in disarray and lost some 5,000 men, while the Western Romans’ casualties amounted to less than half that number.

qJMqC5G.jpg

Stilicho's & Alaric's infantry ambushing the Eastern Romans who fell for his feigned retreat at the Nestos

The defeat at Nicopolis cost Monaxius his remaining outposts in the Dacian diocese, as the garrisons he had left in Serdica and other eastern Dacian cities quickly surrendered to Stilicho soon after. Still, the Eastern Romans maintained complete control over the Diocese of Macedonia and Monaxius – rightfully fearing for his life if he failed to hold even that – was determined not to let his first gains in this war fall away. Two developments gave him breathing room in that regard: first Sigeric threw Stilicho’s attempt to march directly on Thessalonica back in the mountain pass near Serrae[15] in July, where Stilicho was unable to break past his defensive lines & forts and Monaxius succeeded in frustrating the Western Romans’ various attempts to circumvent those defenses. And secondly, as the world entered autumn & winter, new circumstances arose further to the West which would force the Western Romans to completely halt their offensive in the East for the rest of the year…

Since the previous summer, Constantius had had the lonely and difficult task of defending eastern and southeastern Gaul from the ascendant Constantine of Britain and his new Burgundian allies, who by this time had conquered and ravaged as far as Avaricum[16] and Burdigala[17]. His own considerable martial skill and good fortune had allowed him to preserve a defensive perimeter running from Lugdunum[18] by the Alps to Narbonensis on the Hispanic border despite the only help he got over the winter being a small reinforcing army of 5,000 under Boniface (Eucherius was still drilling his new army), but everyone’s luck runs out eventually.

Constantius seemed like he might still have some left when Eucherius informed him that he was finally ready to march in April, but in truth it ran dry in the Battle of Augustonemetum[19] almost immediately after he got the good news. There he tried to defeat the advancing army of Constantine and Constans before their Jutish allies arrived to aid them, but failed: Hengist’s Jutes forded the Elaver[20] faster than he had anticipated and attacked his flank while he was still pinned down by the main Romano-British host. The Western Romans suffered grievous losses, Constantius himself included, and the loyalist provinces of Gaul rapidly fell to Constantine from here on out. Gundahar of the Burgundians further sent his brother Giselher[21] with several thousand men to seize the Alps, both to secure their flank and to present an additional possible avenue for attack into Italy itself.

Further worsening matters, while Eucherius was still marching north Boniface and Arigius were defeated while trying to defend Arausio[22] with the remnants of Constantius’ army. The pair fell back to Arelate, where Constantine laid siege to their walls. Hispania, encouraged by the defeats of the Western Roman army in Gaul, also chose this time to rebel: the general Felix[23] had a distant cousin of Honorius, Theodosiolus[24], acclaimed emperor by his legions in Cauca[25], where Theodosius the Great was born, thereby taking the fallen Priscus Attalus' place among the four warring Augusti. While Eucherius was moving to relieve Arelate, Theodosiolus and Felix were rapidly driving out the few loyal garrisons and administrators he had in that stronghold of the Theodosian dynasty.

Eucherius attacked Constantine’s army outside Arelate on June 1. Though his new Italian army was quite large, it was almost matched in number by the combined host of Romano-Britons, Jutes and Burgundians camped before the city, and Constantine’s troops were more experienced to boot. To prevail, Eucherius relied on some tricks of his own: he sent fake defectors from his officer corps to fool Constantine into thinking that he was moving more slowly than he actually was, while other messengers reached the city by ship and informed Boniface and Arigius of exactly when to sally forth. As of June 1, Constantine’s army was worn out from a failed attempt to storm Arelate the night before (when he thought he would have at least five more days to rest and prepare for Eucherius’ arrival), and the badly bloodied but determined defenders timed their sally with Eucherius’ offensive. The rebels and their barbaric friends fought well despite being tired and surprised, but were ultimately driven back toward Arausio with 6,000 casualties, including the last remnants of the Burgundians’ Alamanni contingent.

YZ2Z7oJ.jpg

Eucherius' recently-emancipated & trained infantry presses against Constantine's tired Romano-Britons, overwhelming the latter with their sheer numbers in a contest of brute force

As Eucherius had lost fewer men from his substantially larger army, he felt he could afford to soak up his losses much more easily than Constantine could. And though Stilicho counseled focusing on eliminating Constantine once and for all, the emperor believed that particular usurper had been fatally weakened at Arelate; his strategy now was to go on the offensive against Theodosiolus and recover at least the coasts of Hispania Tarraconensis & Cartaginensis, essentially locking the latter out of the Mediterranean, by the end of the year. To lead the loyalist armies in Gaul and mop up Constantine’s surviving troops in his imminent absence, he formally named Arigius to succeed Constantius in the office of magister equitum per Gallias.

As the march of time entered July and August, it seemed like Eucherius could meet his goals. He advanced to catch up to Constantine at Arausio 13 days after relieving the siege of Arelate and defeated him again, pushing the usurper’s legions further north. This done, he turned to march along the Septimanian coast – in the process demanding, and receiving, the surrender of the towns and garrisons which had gone over to Constantine after his victory at Augustonementum in the spring – on his way to Hispania. Theodosiolus and Felix, for their part, had also moved into Septimania from the south and wrested Narbo from its pro-Constantine garrison. Their armies first met at Baeterrae[26], where Eucherius trounced them and harried their retreat so closely that they were unable to rest in Narbo, which surrendered to him in short order.

When the duo returned to Hispania proper, they found a rude surprise waiting for them: Boniface and a 10,000-strong army, including all of his remaining African troops, had sailed from Arelate to land in Emporiae[27], where they had compelled the surrender of the city and now blocked Theodosiolus and Felix’s retreat. The pair in turn surprised Eucherius and Boniface when, instead of fighting a losing battle between the two loyalist armies, they retreated into the Pyrenees and paid the local Vasconic tribes for safe passage to Sedes Urgelli[28]. Still, with their retreat the usurper and his backer had left the Spanish coast vulnerable to Eucherius. By the start of autumn, Tarraco[29] had fallen and it seemed like Eucherius was well on his way to meeting his objectives.

But disaster struck again when Constantine took advantage of the imperial forces’ focus on Hispania to attack into southeastern Gaul once more. To replenish his forces he reached out to the Ripuarian Franks, who by now had moved through the hollowed-out Rhenish frontier, and promised them settlement rights in the land currently held by their Salian cousins under Rome’s wing if they would fight for him as foederati. In September Arigius was defeated and killed while trying to besiege Lugdunum, where a relief force led by Constantine’s sons (including many of said Ripuarian Franks) had crossed the Rhodanus and crept up on him while he was still building siegeworks, and this effectively left the rest of Gaul vulnerable to the rebel forces once more. The Romano-British usurper wasted no time in marching back to Arelate and actually captured it this time with an extraordinarily daring escalade, in which Constans was one of the first men on the walls and took a serious enough chest wound to leave him bedridden for weeks if not months. No matter – Constantine saw no reason to fuss after being informed that his eldest son’s condition was stable, and more importantly, the road to Italy itself now lay open before him.

Since Arelate fell while Eucherius and Boniface were driving down the coast of Hispania toward the eastern Baetic shore, they were in no position to respond when Constantine continued on to besiege Mediolanum, leaving 2,000 men in Arelate to hold the city and protect his heir while the latter recovered. That city was the former capital of the Western Roman Empire and housed one of the only fabricae[29] outside the border provinces, so in addition to being Italy’s first line of defense against attacks from the west and north, it was simply not something the emperor could afford to lose. Its garrison was numerous, as befitting such an important city; but those numbers were disadvantageous in the context of a siege, where they actually put a greater strain on the city’s food supplies, and in the absence of a more prominent commander their leadership fell to the primicerius Joannes – who, while respected as an excellent bureaucrat and courteous elder gentleman, was far from an experienced soldier himself.

In response to the unraveling situation, Stilicho decided he had no choice but to suspend his planned offensive against the Eastern Romans, which he’d been reorganizing his troops for after his earlier defeat at Serrae prevented him from immediately taking back Thessalonica in the summer. Gathering up much of the Dalmatian legions with him and the Hunnish contingent under Bleda & Aetius, he rode to relieve the siege of Mediolanum as quickly as he could. As the snows fell and 419 approached its final days, he could only hope Joannes would be able to hold out long enough to prevent Constantine from overrunning northern Italy altogether, and that Alaric could hold off the Eastern armies while he was gone.

But, perhaps the magister militum had a little more luck left in him than his lieutenant Constantius had. Around the same time that he was marching to Joannes’ aid, Shah Yazdgerd of Persia died, supposedly from being kicked by a horse: more likely however, he was assassinated by certain Parthian nobles whose lands he was visiting, and who were known to strongly disapprove of his pro-Roman foreign policy and friendliness toward religious minorities in the Sassanid Empire (indeed, he was visiting them to try to reconcile these differences). His eldest son Shapur proclaimed himself Shah Shapur IV and hurried toward Ctesiphon, but was almost immediately killed by the Persian aristocracy and clergy who acclaimed Yazdgerd’s brother Khosrau as Shah instead. This was not received well by Yazdgerd’s younger son Bahram, a longtime courtier among the Lakhmid Arabs, who marched on the capital with a large Arab army and intimidated his uncle into abdicating within weeks. Nevertheless, the newly-enthroned Bahram V aware of the causes behind his father’s unpopularity with the Persian upper class and promised a reversal of the old man’s policies to appease them as 419 ended, starting with his overly pro-Roman ways[31]…

hcjzmoj.jpg

Sassanid officers near the border with the Eastern Roman Empire receiving new orders from the capital as 419 came to a close

====================================================================================

[1] Castinus was an aristocratic officer in Honorius’ service. Despite being described as ‘haughty and inept in the exercise of command’, he was evidently important enough to be given the courtly dignity of patricius (an actual title, not a reference to his social class). Historically, after Honorius died he tried to elevate the senior bureaucrat Joannes to the Western imperial throne together with Flavius Aetius.

[2] The ancient road connecting Rome to the Adriatic port of Rimini, cutting through the Apennines.

[3] Gubbio.

[4] Historically the governor of Africa from 422 to 432, who challenged first the magister militum Felix and then Flavius Aetius for control of the Roman court early in the long and inadequate reign of Valentinian III.

[5] Extensive estates worked by slaves and coloni proto-serfs.

[6] The aforementioned proto-serfs, these coloni are peasants reduced to sharecropping on the latifundiae of the Roman aristocracy thanks to the West’s increasingly ruinous economy during & long after the reign of Diocletian.

[7] Rouen.

[8] The River Eure.

[9] Worms.

[10] Also known as Gunther, he was known to have led his people across the Rhine shortly after the Alans, Vandals and Suebi did in 406. He was a major figure in the Nibelungenlied, being the brother of Siegfried’s wife Kriemhild and later arranging the aforementioned hero’s assassination.

[11] The Seine and Rhone Rivers.

[12] Near Jagodina.

[13] Lipljan.

[14] Garmen, Bulgaria by the Nestos/Mesta River.

[15] Serres.

[16] Bourges.

[17] Bordeaux.

[18] Lyon.

[19] Clermont-Ferrand.

[20] The Allier River in Auvergne.

[21] Giselher was a brother of Gundahar’s. Little is known about him other than that he was King of the Burgundians either before or with him, and died sometime between 411 and 436. He’s also a minor character in the Nibelungenlied, where he marries the daughter of Rudiger of Bechelaren.

[22] Orange, France.

[23] A rival to both Boniface and Aetius who was the Western Roman magister militum 425-429 and Consul in 428. He and his wife Padusia were both assassinated in 430 by Aetius.

[24] Theodosiolus was indeed a cousin of Honorius (and Arcadius), who with several other Theodosian relatives tried to hold Hispania against Constantine in 409. In this they failed, as Constans and Gerontius seem to have defeated them quite quickly; Theodosiolus was one of the two imperial cousins to escape with his life.

[25] Coca, Spain.

[26] Beziers.

[27] Empuries.

[28] La Seu d’Urgell.

[29] Tarragona.

[30] The Late Roman army had its equipment produced at dedicated, state-owned-and-operated arms factories called fabricae. Most of these were located in the border provinces and dioceses.

[31] Pretty much all of this happened just a few months later historically, in early 420 rather than near the end of 419.
 

PsihoKekec

Swashbuckling Accountant
Rushing to Hispania while battered but still active enemy is in Galia, with Rhein border open, is a bad move, I guess Constantius could prevail on him to deal with Constantine first, if he were still alive at this point that is. I reckon Monaxius will take time to rebuild strength and in the meantime he might get some bad news from Asia...
I doubt there will peace though as Alaric will be very keen on keeping the heat on though, at least until Sigeric and his line are taken care of, not to mention the delusions of the Byzantium court.
 

stevep

Well-known member
Well that was tempestuous. I was expecting a bit more resistance from the 'Roman' rebels but then this is the 5th C and Italy isn't the power source it was.

Interesting social changes, which could have quite an impact on Italy, if not further afield. I have read that the real start of the feduealistion of much of Italy with large latifundiae becoming dominant started as early as the 2nd Punic war with many old style small farmers unable to maintain their lands due to the fact many were away in the army for years but there was a steady deterioration of the condition of the ordinary farmer especially for several centuries. This reversal could revive Italy, both militarily and economically as well as possibly other parts of the empire. By the time those new soldiers have served their 15 years or earlier if the emperor decided, you could see new veteran settlements being established to strength the battered regions, which I fear will be much of Gaul and the Balkans at least.

Of course large landowners elsewhere are going to be worried by such a precedent but they should remember that happened to the senators because they were openly disloyal and hence if they want to keep their estates the last thing they should be doing would be to rise in revolt themselves, especially if they lose.

The uprising in Iberia was a real pain, as was the Burgundian incursion, especially with the death of Constantius. If he had managed to survive and maintain his forces until the emperor arrived then things would be a lot easier.

I'm rather doubtful that Stilicho would warn his son to concentrate on completing the crushing of Constantine's forces rather than trying to crush the Iberians uprising. Not because that's not the best advice but since Stilicho's in the Balkans and Eucherius is in S Gaul I doubt the former would hear about the Iberian revolt before Eucherius has already marched east. He's probably cursing his son when he hears about it and starting to prepare to head west already before news of Constantine's revival and invasion of N Italy arrives.

Oh dear. I fear that last bit means the eastern empire is in for a very nasty shock, as well as a very bad time. At the worse we could see Eucherius ending up playing an earlier Heraclius, hopefully with a shorter war and less devastation for the eastern empire. Which could change things drastically in the longer term. If nothing else Bahram V is going to have to demonstrate to his 'underlings' that he's serious about a more hostile approach to Rome and also offer them the prestige and loot of a 'quick' war. Which will be especially tempting with the eastern empire again struggling in a bitter war with the west. Can't see Theodosius II having the purple much longer as he's likely to be replaced by someone with some brains, especially if he refuses to make a suitable peace with the west.

Steve
 

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
Rushing to Hispania while battered but still active enemy is in Galia, with Rhein border open, is a bad move, I guess Constantius could prevail on him to deal with Constantine first, if he were still alive at this point that is. I reckon Monaxius will take time to rebuild strength and in the meantime he might get some bad news from Asia...
I doubt there will peace though as Alaric will be very keen on keeping the heat on though, at least until Sigeric and his line are taken care of, not to mention the delusions of the Byzantium court.
Yep, Eucherius is a competent commander, but he's certainly got his flaws - recklessness and a tendency to bite off more than he can chew, as he's shown both tactically in his first battle with the Huns and now with this big strategic mistake. The world of Late Antiquity is one that allows little room for error and less still for commanders to learn from their mistakes however, and although he's still got his father to mitigate his problems right now, Stilicho isn't getting any younger, so the emperor's going to have serious trouble in the years and decades to come if he doesn't take the lessons he's learning now to heart.

Strategic necessity might just force the East to make peace with the West soon, since they really can't afford to fight the WRE and the Persians both at the same time for long. Even setting Sigeric and his serious grudge aside however, Theodosius II is (much as he was historically) pretty set on ensuring only a Theodosian sits on the thrones of both empires, so the ERE had better hope his cooler and more pragmatic advisors prevail over guys like Chrysaphius before it's too late. (Him dying might also help, but only if he has a clear heir first as his equally useless father had had before him...)
Well that was tempestuous. I was expecting a bit more resistance from the 'Roman' rebels but then this is the 5th C and Italy isn't the power source it was.

Interesting social changes, which could have quite an impact on Italy, if not further afield. I have read that the real start of the feduealistion of much of Italy with large latifundiae becoming dominant started as early as the 2nd Punic war with many old style small farmers unable to maintain their lands due to the fact many were away in the army for years but there was a steady deterioration of the condition of the ordinary farmer especially for several centuries. This reversal could revive Italy, both militarily and economically as well as possibly other parts of the empire. By the time those new soldiers have served their 15 years or earlier if the emperor decided, you could see new veteran settlements being established to strength the battered regions, which I fear will be much of Gaul and the Balkans at least.

Of course large landowners elsewhere are going to be worried by such a precedent but they should remember that happened to the senators because they were openly disloyal and hence if they want to keep their estates the last thing they should be doing would be to rise in revolt themselves, especially if they lose.

The uprising in Iberia was a real pain, as was the Burgundian incursion, especially with the death of Constantius. If he had managed to survive and maintain his forces until the emperor arrived then things would be a lot easier.

I'm rather doubtful that Stilicho would warn his son to concentrate on completing the crushing of Constantine's forces rather than trying to crush the Iberians uprising. Not because that's not the best advice but since Stilicho's in the Balkans and Eucherius is in S Gaul I doubt the former would hear about the Iberian revolt before Eucherius has already marched east. He's probably cursing his son when he hears about it and starting to prepare to head west already before news of Constantine's revival and invasion of N Italy arrives.

Oh dear. I fear that last bit means the eastern empire is in for a very nasty shock, as well as a very bad time. At the worse we could see Eucherius ending up playing an earlier Heraclius, hopefully with a shorter war and less devastation for the eastern empire. Which could change things drastically in the longer term. If nothing else Bahram V is going to have to demonstrate to his 'underlings' that he's serious about a more hostile approach to Rome and also offer them the prestige and loot of a 'quick' war. Which will be especially tempting with the eastern empire again struggling in a bitter war with the west. Can't see Theodosius II having the purple much longer as he's likely to be replaced by someone with some brains, especially if he refuses to make a suitable peace with the west.

Steve
Oh for sure, Italy's strength has been sapped by past barbarian invasions, civil wars, plagues and the previously seemingly unstoppable consolidation of estates - Priscus Attalus and the even more out-of-touch Senate really greatly overestimated their potential strength when they sprang the rebellion. Very few to none of the common Italians would have had much reason to fight for them besides money, and that's not as great a motivator as survival, hence why they bailed after Castinus was defeated at Iguvium. Ironically Stilicho's efforts to rebuild the Italian legions after thrashing Valens & Olympius was why they even had legions to bribe in the first place, and as you said, his & Eucherius' land-redistribution scheme will almost certainly revitalize Italy to a much greater extent than Priscus Attalus could have if he had actually won.

Constantius' death was probably the hardest individual one for the WRE, since other than Stilicho himself, he was the most competent commander they still had from the older generation (as opposed to the younger one of Eucherius, Aetius and Boniface among others). That's definitely going to be one gap that'll be tough to fill, especially considering all the threats swarming Gaul now and likely to swarm it in the future, as the failure of Arigius (an able sort, but not quite on the same level) so soon after taking over the Gallic command demonstrates.

The way I imagined that exchange going down while writing was that Eucherius would've sent the news to Stilicho from Arelate as soon as he heard it, and that Stilicho would've received it fairly quickly as the message traveled across the Roman road network, but that his own message to Eucherius wouldn't have reached the latter until he was at Narbo or Emporiae. By that time the latter would have already started fighting Theodosiolus in earnest and be unlikely to turn back (either Arigius would still have been alive at the time or he'd been killed so recently that the news of his death would've been just behind Stilicho's own messenger, so Eucherius could still have thought he had a handle on the situation). Either way though, it was definitely a strategic blunder for Eucherius to prioritize Spain over finishing off Constantine; had he done things the other way around from the start or even turned back from Hispania before pushing past the Pyrenees, there's a good chance Arigius would still be alive and Stilicho would've been free to bring about a quicker conclusion to the war in the Balkans.

Historically Bahram's war with the ERE was a pretty short affair, in which neither side really changed anything (Bahram's biggest gain seemed to be his being able to beat his chest a bit and tell the other Sassanids 'see, unlike my father, I am willing to smack the Romans around a bit'). Of course, IRL Honorius hadn't died yet at the time that war broke out and so the East was able to concentrate entirely against Persia. Since that isn't the case ITL and the war with Stilicho isn't going anywhere at the moment - suffice to say, it would take more than one or even a few miracles for things to work out that easily for the Eastern Romans here.
 
420: War of the Four Emperors, Part II

Circle of Willis

Well-known member
420 opened with major battles in the West and East both before the snow had even cleared from Europe’s soil. In the west, Joannes had risen to the challenge posed by the usurper Constantine and successfully held Mediolanum through months of siege, putting his administrative talent to rationing their food supplies in such a way that he kept both the garrison and the people they protected fed – perhaps not well, especially after the New Year, but not starving either. As word of Stilicho’s approach from the east trickled in, Constantine made several attempts to take the city by storm or by having his sappers try to tunnel underneath its walls, but all these were frustrated by the strong defenses and defenders of the former imperial capital. A final attempt to take the city on February 4, masterminded by his general Gerontius, quite literally fell apart when the onagers the latter constructed came undone in the freezing rain.

His attempts to storm Mediolanum frustrated, Constantine resolved to spare his men any more futile assaults on the city walls and prepare to fight Stilicho in the field instead. The Western magister militum arrived on February 20, a cold and crisp but bright winter day, while Constantine’s scouts had accurately reported the oncoming imperial advance this time and thus allowed him to draw his troops up into formation to face Stilicho’s own. Leaving the Jutes to block Joannes from sallying and attacking his rear, Constantine organized his army into three fairly conventional wings: himself and Gerontius commanded the bulk of the Romano-British, Gallo-Roman and Ripuarian infantry & archers in the center, his son Julian led their massed cavalry (including many of the absent Constans’ Sarmatians) on the right, and Gundahar’s Burgundians were assigned to the left. Noting the Romano-British disposition, Stilicho judged the Burgundians to be the weakest link in Constantine’s chain and arranged his army in an oblique formation, piling his best troops and the entirety of his Hun contingent into his right wing while arranging for the undermanned Western Roman center and left to trail behind them on the advance.

When battle was joined near noon, the powerful imperial right smashed through the Burgundians on the rebel left in no time at all, sending Gundahar and his surviving warriors fleeing northward. This done, Stilicho ordered Bleda and Aetius to prioritize enveloping Constantine’s infantry over pursuing the Burgundians, but the usurper and his men fought back vigorously and proved far more difficult to subdue. Julian and the Romano-British cavalry even routed Stilicho’s own weak left wing and circled around to threaten his position at the rear of the Western Roman army, leaving the battle hanging in the balance. Only the sudden and unannounced withdrawal of the Jutes, followed by Joannes leading the Mediolanum garrison to attack Constantine’s rear, decided the day in Stilicho’s favor. As yet more freezing rain drenched the battlefield, some of the Constantinian army was able to break out to the north under the leadership of Gerontius and Julian, but not Constantine himself; the Romano-British usurper drew Stilicho’s attention to himself and off his son until he was finally surrounded and struck down among his fallen bodyguards, becoming one of the last among nearly 8,000 casualties of his army at the end of the day.

2RR7a8P.jpg

Betrayed by the Jutes and surrounded on all sides, Constantine and his bodyguards mount a futile last stand against Stilicho as his army and cause disintegrates around him

The 4,000 survivors under Gerontius and Julian managed to reach Augusta Praetoria[1] at the entrance of the Alps, where they rejoined the 5,000 Burgundian survivors of the Battle of Mediolanum under Gundahar and received word from Giselher that the latter was still unable to move from his positions higher up in the mountains until the seasons changed. Julian determined that, with his father having fallen, his older brother Constans was now the true Augustus; but Gerontius and Gundahar had different ideas. Gerontius denounced Constantine as a failure and his bloodline as being unworthy of his allegiance, after which his soldiers raised him up on their shields as the latest rebel claimant to the Western Roman crown and the Burgundians pledged themselves to his cause, with the promise that he would allow them to settle not just in eastern Gaul but also the Alpine valleys and northern Italy. Julian would have struck him dead for his treachery, but correctly judged that he and the remaining Sarmatian cavalry loyal to his family were badly outnumbered and fled both Gerontius & Stilicho to rejoin his brother.

While Stilicho was spiking Constantine’s head above the gates of Mediolanum, Pope Boniface and the Roman clergy were thanking God for smiting the heretic and Gerontius was busy setting up his court in Aventicum[2], Julian made it back to Arelate to inform Constans of all the bad news, including that he was now the rightful Augustus in the Romano-British reckoning. He found the latter up and about, organizing the remaining Romano-British soldiers for a long retreat back north; though willing to take up the purple mantle Constantine left behind, Constans had no intention of trying to defend his claim on the continent, which he considered a lost cause between their father’s defeats and the desertion of the Burgundians and Jutes. Instead he was determined to race back home to Britain, having learned that the Jutes were returning to their boats and most certainly had no good intentions for his people. Adding the few hundred Sarmatian survivors under his brother to the 2,000 men their father had left him, Constans exited Arelate within a day of Julian’s arrival and hurried northward as fast as he could, collecting the smaller garrisons Constantine had left in the cities and towns they’d taken on the way to the Mediterranean as well as Gallo-Roman followers fearful of Eucherius’ reprisal as they went.

It came as a pleasant surprise to Stilicho and his son that they were able to recover the now-defenseless cities of Gaul, starting with the aforementioned Arelate, just by sending heralds rather than armies. As Eucherius – chastened by the knowledge of his strategic error, which had nearly undone his hold on throne and which he could’ve avoided if he had listened to Stilicho last summer – now heeded his father’s advice and focused on making absolutely sure Gaul was cleared of Constantinian supporters (though in truth, with Constans’ withdrawal he mostly just had to worry about the masterless and rampaging Ripuarian Franks), leaving Boniface to hold eastern Hispania against Theodosiolus, Stilicho turned to deal with Gerontius and the Burgundians occupying the Alps. On March 19 he defeated the garrison Gerontius had left in Augusta Praetoria, but that was only the first step to dealing with the latest challenger for his son’s throne: the rebels were digging in as much as they could across the Alps, and campaigning against them in the mountain range with all its forests and lakes promised to be a difficult venture, even with winter coming to an end.

Stilicho had barely begun planning his Alpine campaign when more bad news arrived from the east. His withdrawal had not gone unnoticed by Monaxius, who had found that it really wasn’t just some strategic feint after hearing of the Battle of Mediolanum and had been waiting for spring to go on the attack once more. The Eastern Romans had raised reinforcements in Anatolia over the winter, commanded by an Alan named Ardabur[3], and they crossed the Hellespont in early March to join him. Together the Eastern Romans now outnumbered Alaric by a comfortable margin, and inflicted a severe defeat upon the Romano-Gothic army Stilicho had left him at the Battle of Pella on March 3. This done, they then steadily pushed what forces he had left at his disposal out of the lands he and Stilicho had just recovered the previous year.

pKsd7TM.jpg

Monaxius' and Ardabur's cataphracts crushing Alaric and his outnumbered men at the Battle of Pella

By spring’s end Alaric was under extreme pressure from the East, and Stilicho had yet to finish sealing Gerontius in the Alps. So he was greatly surprised, and tempted, when Monaxius offered to have him restored the office of magister militum under the Eastern Empire’s wing and to let his people settle in western Illyricum – Dalmatia and Pannonia – if he betrayed Stilicho and helped flip the entire prefecture into the East’s hands. The Visigoth king would probably have agreed, had Sigeric not waylaid and almost killed him in a cavalry raid after he left the site of his clandestine negotiations with Monaxius[4]. Thinking Monaxius had double-crossed him, Alaric promptly warned Stilicho of the danger western Illyricum was now in and asked him to come help fend off the Eastern legions immediately. The Oriental Praetorian Prefect was furious at this turn of events, obviously, but as he had cut Theodosius out of the loop (fearing that the emperor still bore a grudge against Alaric for helping Stilicho for over a decade and settling eastern Illyricum in the first place) and the latter congratulated him and Sigeric for their battlefield successes, he was unable to punish his wayward Gothic foederatus.

Leaving Aetius and Bleda to finish containing Gerontius and the Burgundians, Stilicho hurried east once again to aid Alaric. The Western Roman fleet scored a victory over its Eastern Roman counterpart off Brundisium[5] on April 30, clearing the way for him to cross over to Salona by sea and emerge not in front of Monaxius (as the latter expected he’d have to through northeastern Italy), but behind him. Leaving Sigeric to besiege his hated enemy in Sirmium, Monaxius and Ardabur moved to engage Stilicho as the latter advanced through the Dinaric Alps. After several smaller skirmishes in which Ardabur’s men gave a good account of themselves, the two giants of the Roman world engaged in pitched battle once more on the banks of the Bathinus River[6], near the large town of Aquae Sulphurae[7], on June 8.

Initially, the Battle of the Bathinus seemed to favor the East. Stilicho was forced to attack across the river into their strong positions, and Monaxius threw the Western Romans back as he seemingly had at the Nestos River the year before – for real, this time. But although Ardabur was eager to pursue, the Eastern commander ironically feared that Stilicho’s retreat was a trap just like it had been at Nicopolis and forbade such an aggressive move, giving Stilicho time to rally his troops and plan another attack. Both armies retired as night fell: yet Stilicho, noting Monaxius’ overabundance of caution, repeated the trick he used against Castinus at the beginning of this War of Four Emperors and had many more campfires lit than he actually needed while allowing his troops to rest well, giving Monaxius the impression that he was keeping his men awake for a major night attack.

When dawn came, the Western Romans were well-rested while their Eastern adversaries were operating on far too little sleep, having been ordered by Monaxius to stay on full alert until sunrise. Stilicho stormed the river crossings again, and this time drove the exhausted Eastern Romans back to their camp. Only the desperate efforts of Ardabur to rally the men and fight a rearguard action prevented a total rout, while Monaxius himself had fled after realizing the extent of his error. In this final clash, his son Aspar[8] got close enough to briefly engage Stilicho himself in combat and even strike a blow on the older man’s head with his mace – giving him a concussion through his helmet and troubling him with periodic headaches & dizziness long after the Battle of the Bathinus – before being chased away by the magister militum’s bodyguards.

D1Bk9WZ.jpg

Like his Iranian cousins and a growing number of Roman cataphracts & clibanarii, Aspar favored an armor-crushing mace for instances of close combat, such as his short and nearly victorious duel with Stilicho

As Monaxius’ army (now minus approximately 7,000 men) retreated eastward, they were struck with a succession of bad news that gave the Praetorian Prefect almost as bad a headache as the one Stilicho was experiencing. First he learned that Sigeric had risen to one of Alaric’s provocations and led a direct assault on Sirmium’s defenses; so filled with rage was he that the Goth did not withdraw when Alaric’s men threw his own back from the walls, instead racing ahead of his dwindling bodyguards in a mad dash to try to kill the Visigoth king, only to be intercepted and cut down by the latter’s son Theodoric instead. And while the leaderless remains of his army were relaying this information to him, Monaxius was further informed that the Sassanids had struck in the east.

Bahram V had begun his reign by persecuting the Christians of Persia, though (being half-Jewish himself and the maternal grandson of the Babylonian Exilarch Huna bar Nathan[9]) he continued to favor the Jewish community. This of course displeased the Eastern Roman imperial court, particularly the Emperor Theodosius’ devout sister Pulcheria, at whose behest he angrily rebuked the Shahanshah immediately following the martyrdom of James Intercisus[10]. Noticing that the Eastern Romans were busy fighting the Western ones, Bahram had seized the opportunity to answer Theodosius’ insults with an all-out invasion, which he also felt would firmly get his nobles and the Zoroastrian clergy on his side. The youngest and most warlike son of his vizier Mihr-Narseh[11], the arteshtaran-salar Kardar[12], led a combined Persian and Lakhmid army into Roman Mesopotamia, swatting aside the depleted frontier garrisons & the modest response of the few available comital legions at Carrhae and conquering the major border cities of Amida[13] & Edessa.

Encouraged by the lack of effective resistance, Kardar left his subordinate Narses[14] to hold down the conquered frontier provinces and marched onward into Roman Syria with their Lakhmid ally Al-Mundhir[15], intent on conquering Antioch if he could. Alarmed by these developments, Theodosius at first raised a new army and released Procopius from prison to lead them; but as it soon became apparent that this new army wouldn’t be ready before the Persians got within striking distance of Antioch, he was forced to recall Ardabur and his contingent from the Illyrian front so he could send them eastward, despite Monaxius’ protests. The Oriental Prefect now found himself in a situation similar to Alaric’s last year and earlier in this one – forced to try to hold a large swath of land in the Balkans against a numerically superior and capably led enemy while the empire he served faced problems on multiple fronts – and there was no doubt that Stilicho, injured though he might be, was going to exploit that for all it was worth.

BO4B9iy.jpg

As he pushed into Eastern Roman territory, the Persian marshal Kardar preferred to direct his forces from the safety and comfort of a mighty elephant's back

Even better for Stilicho, as spring turned to summer and the Alpine snows melted away, Aetius and Bleda got their chance to deal with Gerontius. At first Gerontius took to the offensive, seeing that the opposing forces on the other end of the Alpine passes were quite weak, and was sufficiently heartened after smashing the defenders of Augusta Praetoria on June 12 that he decided to march on Mediolanum itself. But in truth, all that was happening was that Aetius & Bleda had decided to apply the Hunnish tactic of the feigned retreat on the strategic level, and bait him and his Burgundians out of their mountain fortresses onto the Italian plain below where they’d have a much easier time dealing with him. When they met outside Modicia[16], Gerontius was shocked to find the Romano-Hun army was much larger than he had expected, having consolidated at Aetius’ order and received further reinforcements raised by Joannes over the winter and spring. He was tempted to withdraw but was spurred to fight on by Gundahar & Giselher, who warned him that the Burgundians were unlikely to support a ‘coward’ for long.

The Battle of Modicia duly followed. The rebel horsemen were quickly overpowered by the Huns and Eucherian cavalry, but their infantry formed a strong semicircular shield-wall which held off the loyalist footmen quite capably. To break up this defensive formation, Aetius relied on the time-tested feigned retreat of his allies: one such fake withdrawal by Bleda’s Huns drew several thousand Burgundians out into the open where they were promptly wiped out, Giselher among them. These same Huns then led the cavalry stampede into the gap in Gerontius’ and Gundahar’s lines, routing them. The usurper was himself killed, riddled with so many arrows by Hunnic horse-archers that he resembled a pincushion by the time Bleda found him, and the Burgundians driven back into the Alps with great loss.

Now by this time Eucherius was busy expelling the Ripuarian Franks back whence they came, and Boniface was struggling to hold the line against a resurgent Theodosiolus and Felix in Hispania. So the emperor decided to take after his father’s dealings with Alaric and the previous Rhenish horde, and open negotiations with the bloodied and defeated Burgundians; in exchange for enlisting as foederati in his service, he would allow them to settle in the Alpine province of Maxima Sequanorum (where they were now trapped) instead of ordering Aetius and Bleda to finish them off. In turn, they’d provide him with extra manpower (though not as much as they could have before the battles of the past two years) and he wouldn’t have to waste more time and manpower than he had to spare on rooting them out of the mountains. Being down a brother and many thousands of warriors, Gundahar had little choice but to accept Eucherius' terms, though the mountain valleys he now had were poorer and more difficult to live in than the Gallic and Italian farmlands Constantine and Gerontius had promised.

1jBfnTU.jpg

Aetius and Bleda made a formidable team, as Gerontius and Gundahar found out the hard way at Modicia

As summer turned to autumn, Eucherius finished reclaiming Gaul and marched on to do the same with Spain (leaving the defense of the diocese in the hands of the new magister equitum per Gallias, Aetius, as the late Arigius’ own son Arbogast was still underage) with Gundahar’s remaining warriors in tow while Stilicho was steadily pushing the Eastern Romans back across the Balkans. An attempt by the Eastern court to open another front in Africa was foiled by Marcellinus’ defense and Ardabur (having linked up with Constantinople’s own Ghassanid allies) had blunted the Sassanid advance in the sanguinary Battle of Beroea[17], leaving nearly 10,000 men dead on both sides, but was unable to recover the eastern Syrian and Mesopotamian provinces already lost to Kardar. The Lakhmid auxiliaries fighting for Persia continued to aggressively raid Roman Syria, Armenia and Anatolia for the rest of the year, and persisted even after the destruction of a major raiding party near Hellenopolis by a cavalry response force under Aspar in late October, much to Ardabur’s intense irritation. In the face of these increasingly desperate straits Monaxius wrote to Theodosius, urging the emperor to grant permission to open negotiations with Stilicho.

Alas, Theodosius II refused to negotiate any settlement with Ravenna that didn’t involve him being able to keep the Eastern Empire’s gains in Illyricum, which neither the Western Augustus nor his father were willing to give up after the immense costs they had paid to claw it back – especially not now, when they seemed to have the strategic situation under control again. In November Eucherius reunited with Boniface and finally brought the Hispanic rebels to a decisive engagement on the upper reaches of the Baetis River[18], where they utterly defeated Theodosiolus and Felix; the emperor’s new Burgundian foederati proved their worth by capturing the former in the aftermath of the battle (after which Eucherius had the usurper summarily executed), while the latter disappeared into the Spanish countryside. Meanwhile Stilicho & Alaric had driven Monaxius all the way back to Thessalonica and called on Eucherius to join them; with Theodosiolus dead & Constans driven off the continent, the Augustus was able to answer this call for support, though he would not be able to sail for Greece until the new year. Monaxius ended 420 by sending another report to his emperor, informing Theodosius of the even graver situation they were now in and all but begging him to initiate talks with the West before the situation in the Balkans collapsed completely.

Back in Britannia, the Jutish troops left by Hengist and Horsa had turned against their employers at the latter’s command and aggressively raided the British countryside, driving the remaining garrisons under Constantine’s general Iustinianus into fortified cities like Eboracum or Londinium itself along with many thousands of refugees. One warband even burned down the Constantinian family’s villa outside Camulodunum, which would have almost certainly resulted in the death of Constans’ family had he not moved them to Londinium before departing for the continent. And day after day, more Jutes arrived – mostly in the southeast – as well as an increasing number of Saxons from the continent. This was the situation the twins arrived to in the late summer of 420, and they wasted no time in besieging Londinium with their freshly reinforced horde. Hengist determined that, although Constans might be nipping at his heels, any hope the latter might have of preserving a Roman Britain would be lost if he could take the island province’s capital first. So determined were they to take control of all Britannia, and so confident were they of a quick victory, that when Bishop Pelagius tried to negotiate with them and even personally returned Constantine’s widow Rowena to her father as a token of good faith – Horsa instead planted an ax in his skull, and Hengist paraded his corpse before the walls of the British capital to taunt the defenders.

However, the Jutish king had underestimated the haste with which Constans was moving – likely having anticipated him at least trying to fight the Western Romans for Gaul – and the latter’s remaining Sarmatian cavalry foiled the Jutes’ attempt to torch their ships, allowing the Romano-British to cross back over the Oceanus Britannicus in early summer. Constans finally caught up with the Jutes as they were storming Londinium, arriving just as their battering ram broke through Londinium’s main gate and Horsa’s warriors were overwhelming the garrison on the walls. Between the arrival of Constans’ army and the ferocious resistance they encountered from a desperate populace convinced that they intended a massacre – even the women of Londinium, Constans’ wife included, involved themselves by pelting the invaders with bricks, tiles and other rubble from the rooftops – the Jutes had to withdraw with great bloodshed. As they fought their way off the battlefield and back toward the southeast, the Romano-British gave chase and Julian was struck dead by Jutish angons in the pursuit, further infuriating his august elder brother.

Though he had just saved Londinium, Constans was so enraged at the Jutes’ betrayal and the deaths of his father, brother and spiritual mentor thanks to said perfidy, that he spurned all suggestions to reach some agreement with them. He stuck around the city long enough to greet his toddler son for the first time, oversee the elevation of Pelagius’ disciple Celestius to be the new Bishop of Londinium (at which time Celestius also declared his predecessor to be a martyr, though the Nicenes would certainly not see it that way), and raise some local militia to replenish his ranks before setting out to pursue Hengist and Horsa down the great Roman road connecting Britain’s cities to Portus Dubris[19]. Not even the news that the Picts had invaded through Hadrian’s Wall and that the pagan tribes of the northern British countryside had arisen in a rebellion of their own, led by a Brigantian[20] warlord named Coel[21], could dissuade him from first dealing with the Jutes.

Through the summer he defeated the Jutes first at Noviomagus[22] and then again at Durobrivae[23] where he partially avenged Constantine and Julian by killing Horsa, who had stayed behind to cover his brother’s retreat. Hengist prepared to engage Constans in the great Weald of the southeast, where he was sure the heavily wooded terrain would give him an advantage; but Constans successfully drew him out by taunting him with Horsa’s corpse, which he publicly strung up and fed to pigs on the forest’s edge, aggravating the Jutish king to the point that he left the cover of the trees to engage and was beaten again. By the end of November, as winter set in and the heavy rain turned to snow, Hengist had been forced all the way back to the isle of Toliatum and it seemed to all involved that Constans’ vengeance was imminent.

OHKvE1m.jpg

Filled with wrath, 'Emperor' Constans did not think twice about leading his men - particularly his dwindling, but still lethal cavalry - from the front to drive the Jutes out of Britain

But before the rebel ‘Augustus’ could complete his revenge, he was confronted with bad news from the north: the Brigantes and other tribal rebels had overrun almost the entirety of northern Britain, trapping the Romans and pro-Roman Britons they hadn’t already killed or pushed south inside Eburacum, and were marching south directly toward Londinium. They had already sacked Lindum[24] earlier in the fall, driven ever forward by the Picts who themselves were now aggressively pillaging across northern Britannia, and at the pace they were moving, this winter was the last opportunity Constans had to intercept them before they reached the capital with its still-damaged defenses. While Constans fumed, Hengist sued for terms: pointing out that they had each killed the other’s younger brother and thus were ‘even’ on that count (Hengist’s own father Wihtgils, being long dead, was beyond Constans’ reach), and that Coel and the Picts would be happy to drive them both into the sea, he made his final pitch. He was prepared to bury the hatchet and renew his alliance with the Romano-Britons to fight the native Britons and Picts, in exchange for settlement rights in northern Britannia where he’d be kept busy by these Celtic locals anyway.

Although Constans must have been strongly tempted to try to assassinate the Jute as he’d done to Pelagius, he acknowledged that his situation was dire enough that he had to take any advantage he could scrounge up to fend off these newest threats to his life and rule over Britain. So after very grudgingly agreeing to each other’s terms, the Romano-British and Jutes (not just Hengist’s remaining warriors, but the entirety of their people in Britain) started marching back up the road to Londinium and beyond again as reluctant and distrustful allies, looking to stop the Britons before they reached the capital and then deal with the Picts – and keeping each other at arm’s length all the while, camping separately each night and with Constans insisting that the Jutes march ahead of him so they couldn’t stab him in the back.

====================================================================================

[1] Aosta. The Punic Pass refers to the Great St Bernard Pass.

[2] Avenches.

[3] Future magister militum of the Eastern Roman Empire and father of the much more famed Flavius Aspar.

[4] Another allusion to what happened to break down Alaric’s final negotiations with Honorius in 410, though then it was Sigeric’s still-living brother Sarus who ambushed Alaric.

[5] Brindisi.

[6] The Bosna River.

[7] Illidza.

[8] Another future magister militum of the Orient, major power-broker and kingmaker in the Eastern Roman court from the 450s to 470s. Historically Aspar’s domineering presence drove said court to ally with the Isaurians, who proved a useful counterweight to his loyal Alan and Goth supporters, and he was ultimately killed in a riot with his eldest son (also named Ardabur), saving the East from its own Ricimer.

[9] The Exilarchs were the official leaders of the exiled Jews living in Persian territory, dating back to the penultimate Judean king Jeconiah (and indeed many claimed descent from him). Historically they played a significant role in the political and intellectual life of the Babylonian Jews well into Arabic times. The Huna ben Nathan referenced here was the father of a Persian Shahbanu or empress, Shushandukht, who was indeed Bahram V’s mother and established several Jewish colonies across Persia.

[10] An early Syriac saint who had been an advisor to Yazdgerd I, and had converted from Zoroastrianism to Christianity under the influence of his family. While Yazdgerd did not take issue with this, the much less tolerant Bahram fired James and had him cut into twenty-eight pieces, hence his nickname.

[11] Mihr-Narseh’s official title was Wuzurg Framadar, an early Persian precursor and equivalent to the (in)famous Grand Viziers of the Islamic world. He remained influential for decades and was notably a Zoroastrian fanatic, specifically of the Zurvanite sect; on that account he engineered both the Christian persecution early in Bahram V’s reign (directly causing the Roman-Persian war of 421-22 IOTL) and attempts to force Zoroastrianism on the Armenians, leading to the Battle of Avarayr in 451.

[12] Kardar was indeed the third son of Mihr-Narseh and, unlike his religiously and economically-inclined brothers, was known to have joined the Sassanid army. His rank of arteshtaran-salar, or ‘chief of the warriors’, was higher than that of the average spahbod or general; probably equivalent to a modern Marshal (or American General of the Army).

[13] Diyarbakir.

[14] No relation to the Armenian eunuch Narses who served under Justinian. This Narses was historically a Persian general who led their initial attacks into Roman territory during the war of 421-422, to little success against Ardabur.

[15] The King of the Lakhmid Arabs at this time, historically ruling from 418 to 461. He probably grew up with Bahram after the latter was sent to be raised at the Lakhmid court, and in any case was strongly supportive of the Shah.

[16] Monza.

[17] Aleppo.

[18] The Guadalquivir. This particular battle would have been fought fairly close to the river’s source, in the vicinity of modern Villacarrillo.

[19] The ‘road’ being referred to here is the very same Watling Street where Suetonius defeated Boudica four hundred years prior, which the Romans possibly did not consider to be a single route and which was not actually called ‘Watling Street’ until Saxon times. Portus Dubris was Dover’s Roman name.

[20] The Brigantes were a major Britonic tribe or tribal confederation in northern England, living between the rivers Tyne and Humber.

[21] This Coel is the man who went down IOTL as Coel ‘Hen’, or Coel the Old – forefather to the royal lines of the various early medieval kingdoms of the northern Britons, such as Rheged and Elmet. He was also probably the basis for the ‘Old King Cole’ sung about in the eponymous British nursery rhyme.

[22] Crayford. Although it’s part of London now, back then Londinium’s boundaries were smaller than those of the modern city and did not extend as far as Crayford, between the rivers Cray and Derent.

[23] Rochester, Kent.

[24] Lincoln.
 

ATP

Well-known member
Great and plausible chapters.But,author risked two epic stories - if Britain do not fall, there would be no Arthurian myths.
And,even more important,if there would be np Burgurdian kingdom destroyed by Huns in 436 AD,Wagner would never made his great music operas about Sigfrid,becouse nobody would wrote about them.
 

Users who are viewing this thread

Top