Alternate History Roma Victa: Rome Rome Loses The Siege of Veii

The Etruscans

Emperor Julian

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Precious little is known about the Rasna in their early times. Most modern archaeologists agree that they were the descendants of Anatolian colonizers, possibly escaping Greek expansion. They were closely related to the Rhaetians to the northeast, who are believed to have branched off as they moved further inland towards the Alps. Both seem to be related to, if not directly descended from, the Villanovan Culture of central Italia.

But surely, by the 7th Century B.C.E. the Rasna had not only become unique from the Villanovans, but dominant over their entire domain. Contact with Greek merchants led to the Rasna adopting and eventually creating their own alphabet. The early Rasna, judging by the sophisticated and elaborate burials of their aristocracy, developed a city-state structure similar to the Greeks, but unlike the Greeks in their worship and deification of each city's respective ruler.

During the 6th Century B.C.E. the Rasna expanded both north and south. With the adoption of Greek-style hoplite soldiers, they were able to gain considerable clout, and brought under their direct control everything between the Padus and the Tiber. The breadth of their influence grew beyond the Apennine Mountains to the North, and Campania to the South. In Campania, the Rasna subjugated the Oscans present there. The Oscans, an Italic group caught between the Rasna north of them and the Greeks in the South, could do little but pay homage to the might of the Rasna.

The Rasna attributed much of their wealth to mining. Within their lands were vast veins of iron and copper, extremely valuable minerals, which they mined, refined, crafted into anything from pottery to weaponry, and sold. They built rich cities, solidifying the king-worship already present, and allowing said kings to maintain order within their domains. Cities such as Cisra, Veii, Perusia, Fufluna, Velch, Parma, Mantua, Adria, and Roma, among others, grew and prospered with either Rasna foundation, or Rasna rule. The cities ruled by Rasna formed a loose organization or confederacy very similar to those of the Greeks and other archaic groups in the East.

But the growing Rasna monopoly over trade in the Tyrrhenian and Ligurian Seas led to direct conflict with the Greeks settled in the South of Italia, as well as Liguria and southern Gaul, and the Eastern coast of Iberia. The Phoceans, Ionian Greek colonizers (founders of cities like Massalia, Neapolis, Cumae, Alalia, Rhegion, Siris, and Leontani, amongst others) became a stalwart enemy of the Rasna. Skirmishes and small naval conflicts followed.

At this time, another group, whose ancestry also resided in the East, the Punics of Carthage, were growing in influence. The Carthaginians had for a long time been rivals with the Greeks, desiring control of maritime commerce for themselves. And as the old saying goes: My enemy's enemy is my friend.

So the Carthaginians formed an alliance with the Rasna, and together they fought the Greeks. These were commercial wars, fought solely for the sake of wealth and control over trade routes.

At the Battle of Allalia in 540 B.C. off the coast of Corsica, the joint Carthaginian-Rasna alliance confronted the Phoceans. The Greek fleet consisted of sixty pentekonters (ships with forty-eight oars and two rudders). The allied armada was twice as large, also comprised of pentekonters. The Greek fleet was able to drive off the aggressors, but lost over two thirds of their force, and all surviving ships were severely damaged. The Greeks, realizing that should their aggressors attack again that they would be powerless to stop them, evacuated Corsica and sought refuge in Rhegion.

Corsica came under the influence of the Rasna, while Sardinia fell into Carthaginian hands. This would be the height of the Rasna's influence and control over Italia. They continued to assault Greek ships, and pushed for more control further south. But they could not hold that which they had gained.

It was the beginning of the end for the Rasna.

(Rasna- What the Ancient Etruscans referred to themselves as.)
 
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Down From The Mountains
During this age, there was but one group that defeated the Rasna. While the exact dates remain unclear, it is believed that around 600 B.C.E. a massive wave of Celts crossed the Alps and settled in Northern Italia under the leadership of a Gallic prince named Bellovesus. Much of what is described about how or why this horde of men came to Italia is veiled in legend, myth, and lore. But as it goes:

A great king named Ambicatus once ruled Gaul, centered around the Bituriges, but in confederacy with the Arverni, Senones, Aedui, Ambarri, Carnutes, and Aulerci. Under his reign, the people of Gaul grew strong and prosperous. But the rich lands of Gaul were so fertile, that the great masses of men proved increasingly difficult to reign over. So, the king took his sister's sons, Sigovesus and Bellovesus, and had them take as many men as they wanted from any tribe so that no people could resist their advance. The brothers drew lots to determine which will go where, believing these omens of the gods. The omens declared that Sigovesus was to take his men to the Hercynian Forest across the Rhine, and Bellovesus was to take his men across the mountains to Italia.

Bellovesus nearly lead his men to their deaths, but received help from the Greeks who settled in Massalia around the same time. After receiving an omen from the gods, Bellovesus then led his men through the pass in the Alps inhabited by the Taurini, a Celtic-Ligurian group who occupied the upper valley of the Padus River. Once he and his Gauls arrived in Italia, they defeated the Rasna at the Ticino River and settled in Northern Italia. Bellovesus then founded the city of Medhlan.

However, the presence of the Celtic Insubres suggests that Celts had occupied Northern Italia for at least a century before Bellovesus cross the Alps.

Regardless, the Celts were an extremely powerful and influential group in the north of the peninsula. The most powerful Celtic tribes included the Salassi, Leponzi, Taurini, Insubri, Cenomani, Boii, and Lingoni settled in the Padus River valley, and the Carni settled to the north of the Adriatic Sea, bordering the Venetians.

The Celts were fierce to behold. One of the main reasons for their success against the many Italic groups was their method of warfare. The Celts had no professional army, nor did they adopt any specific standard formation like the Greek phalanx.

The typical Celtic warrior was male, though on occasion women would join in battle. Basic equipment consisted of one to four spears depending on the wealth of the man. One spear would be nearly as tall as a man with a huge leaf-shaped head called a "lancea". The others would be shorter and used for throwing called "gaesum". They would also carry a large wooden shield covered in leather with a metal boss, decorated with paintings and, if the owner was especially wealthy, with metal ornamentation. With this, the average Celtic warrior would wear his everyday working cloths (trousers, shirt, belt, and cloak). Some warriors preferred to rush into battle completely naked, foregoing any possible protection for mobility. However, there is scientific evidence that suggests that this may have been beneficial to the Celtic warrior, as a wound will heal faster and be less likely to get infected if cloth does not enter the wound, especially dirty, and bloody sweaty cloth. This is also one of many examples of Celtic shock-warfare, where the Celts would intimidate and scare their opponents before engaging them in battle.

Celtic nobles on the other hand were adorned quite differently. All Celtic nobles wore a metal torc around his neck, which he believed was magical and would protect him from harm. While this is obviously untrue, one cannot discredit the success of the Celtic war-machine, and not understand how a correlation in tribal society might be made. Celtic nobles armed themselves with long-swords, varying in size from three feet long to the length of a man. Earlier swords had defined points at the end, allowing for piercing as well as slashing, but later models had blunted tips, which meant the focus was placed more on slashing attacks. Occasionally, such swords had artistic handles, such as a pommel crafted to resemble a human head or in the shape of a horse. Celtic nobles wore armor, usually made from leather, while the richer nobles would wear ornate helmets made from either bronze or iron with crests and horns and inlays of gold or coral. Chainmail, a Celtic invention, was worn by the wealthiest of nobles. A chainmail suite would cover a man from his knees to his neck, and would allow greater mobility of the arms.

Also typical of Celtic warfare is the battle chariot. A Celtic chariot typically was a lightweight, two wheeled cart led by two yoked war-horses. Most of the chariot would be made from wood, except for the iron tires and iron fittings to strengthen the hubs of said chariot. Sometimes, metal rings were used to strengthen the joints of a chariot. Though the Celtic chariot may sound and look primitive at face value, especially when compared to the chariots used further east by the great empires of old, they were quite innovative. Unlike most chariots in other parts of the world which had the platform directly attached to the axel, Celtic chariots were unique in that they suspended the platform that a man stood on by ropes, in no way attached to the axel. This suspension not only made the ride more comfortable but also was easier to fight from because the as the chariot wheels would bump, the platform a man stood upon would not. Celtic chariots would be manned in pairs: the charioteer, who stood in the front directing the horses, and the warrior, who would throw his spears from the chariot, and eventually jump off the chariot to fight on foot. The charioteer would then drive away and return to pick up the warrior, whether the warrior is victorious, wounded, or dead.

Celtic warriors rarely fought in formation. While anywhere from one hundred to one hundred thousand warriors might participate in any given Celtic battle, they almost never used formation. Instead, they trusted their brute strength and individual capability on the battlefield to overrun their enemy, surging over them like a tidal wave of shouting, painted, and often-naked men. Any form of military organization used by Celts in battle was more influenced by where the warrior(s) were from and what kind of weapons they carried. Charioteers and cavalry were usually grouped together, but those using horses were different than those with swords, axes, or spears, and those were different than archers or slingers.

More important than formation and tactics to the Celts was psychological warfare. Being able to instill fear into their enemy was of great importance. Before charging into battle, the Celts would shout and trash-talk their enemy, all while banging their weapons against their shields. Horns called carnyx were blown before battle, and huge low drums were beat to create a hellish sound as the army approached. This combined with many of such men being naked and tattooed was a fierce sight to behold. Adding to this, many put lemon juice in their hair, which would make it spike up and turn gold in color. Gauls in particular are noted for dying their hair platinum blonde and for growing long mustaches as a sign of manhood, similar to a lion's mane.

And the Celts were not easy to defeat. Honor was based on a man's feats performed in battle, and if you retreated or surrendered in battle, you had no honor. Celtic warriors would likely have fought to the last man. Many warriors would commit suicide, and even kill their close relatives and loved ones, rather than be captured and sold into slavery.
 
The Rise of The Latins
In 509 B.C.E the Latins, an Italic group living along the southern banks of the Tiber River, threw off direct Rasna rule. The city of Roma in particular came to the forefront, throwing out their Rasna King Tarquin the Proud and founded an Oligarchic Republic. These Latins, many of whom called themselves Romans, became the bane of the Rasna. These Romans quickly began waging wars with their neighbors as well as founding alliances, and proving worth as soldiers as well as diplomats.

Tarquin, however, was not going to let his thrown simply go. Gathering support from the Rasna cities of Tarquinii and Veii, he met the Romans at the Battle of the Arsian Forest. The battle concluded with the Veientes' line breaking to the Romans, exposing the right flank of Tarquin's army. The Rasna were forced to retreat, and the Romans claimed victory.

But still, Tarquin would not give up. He then went to the city of Cevsin, a very powerful Rasna city, and sought aid from the King Pursenas. King Pursenas led his army to Roma, and the Romans feared him at his approach. It is said that the Romans went so far as to destroy bridges their own men fought upon to halt the Rasna surge across the river. Pursenas then determined that the best course of action would be to blockade the city. He sent raiding parties to the surrounding countryside, and blocked all river commerce. An assassination attempt by the Romans was made upon Pursenas in the night, but instead the king's secretary was slain. Pursenas grew to admire the Romans' bravery, and eventually offered peace. His request to restore Tarquin onto his throne was denied, but the Romans returned the lands they took from the city of Veii.

The Romans made war with the Aequi and the Volsci under the leadership of a man named Cincinnatus. This expanded their influence along the Tiber River.

War with the Rasna ignited again and again between the two forces. The disunified Rasna usually were unable to work together in an effort to defeat the Romans, but on occasion they would, and the Romans feared such unified armies, for on several occasions Roman armies had been shattered by unified Rasna forces. The Rasna city of Veii, closest in proximity and a competitor for control of the Tiber, became Roma's nemesis. The Rasna of Veii would raid almost constantly, but refuse open battle with Roman legions. The Romans now fought on two fronts, with Veii in the North, and the Aequi and Volsci in the East.

The Roman Fabii tribe attempted to rebuff the raids made by Veii. Three hundred and six Fabii with their clients made camp along the River Cremera near Veii. The Fabii initially were successful in halting Veientes raids, and won several battles against them. A truce was made between Roma and Veii, but the Fabii broke the truce. The Veientes continued to raid, but were time and again defeated, so much so, that Fabii began to raid the countryside around Veii. The Veientes, frustrated with these hoplites, laid a trap, scattering a herd as bait. The Fabii took the bait, and chased after the herd, but soon were surrounded by Rasna. The Fabii formed into a wedge and were able to push through and regrouped on a nearby hill, where they were able to repulse the Rasna, until hoplites from Veii came at them from behind, and slaughtered them. No Roman survived the Battle of Cremera.

While the Romans slowly expanded through Latin lands, the Rasna remained the dominant force in the region. But everything changed in 474 B.C.E in the bay of Neapolis.
 
The Fall of the Rasna
Historians generally agree that the undeniable turning point in Rasna hegemony in Northern Italia occurred in 474 B.C.E at the Battle of Cumae.

The Rasna had for centuries been locked in a struggle with the Greeks to the South. This struggle came to a head when the Rasna sent a fleet to attack the Euboan Greek city of Cumae near the city of Neapolis. Aristodemus, the tyrant ruler of Cumae, allied with Heiro I of Syracuse met the Rasna fleet in the bay of Neapolis and defeated them. This battle brought to an end all southern expansion by the Rasna, and ultimately brought about their demise. The Rasna monopoly over the Ligurian Sea and Tyrrhenian Sea trade routes ended, but worse was still to come for the Rasna.

In 435 B.C.E the Romans took the town of Fidenes from the Rasna at Veii. They then colonized the town, and Latinized it.

In 396 B.C.E the city of Veii fell to the Romans and was sacked by them under their dictator Camillus. The Latins had been laying siege to the city for ten years, but to no avail. Finally, they dug a tunnel beneath the city. When the moment was right, the Romans camped outside the city assaulted the walls, seemingly recklessly. At that moment, the Romans in the tunnel beneath the city emerged, apparently from beneath the Temple of Juno, and overran the city. Camillus offered to spare all who surrendered their arms, and so the city of Veii fell prostrate to the Latins. But, unfortunately for Camillus, this act of generosity earned him disfavor with the oligarchy in Roma, and he was exiled shortly thereafter.

Alas, the Rasna still lingered on, and remained powerful enough to be considered a threat to the Romans regardless. But pressure was applied on their proverbial spine from another wave of invading Gauls called Senones around the year 400 B.C. when they migrated into Italia, through Rasna lands, and finally settled along the Adriatic coast of Italia, ousting the Umbrians living there as they did so. They made a small village known as Sena, and made it their capital. Indeed, when it broke in 384 B.E. 391 B.C.E and the Senones laid siege to the Rasna city of Clevsin, they had no one to turn to for help but the Romans.
 
Chapter 1: Roman Tension
In 391 B.C.E Brennos led the Senones to lay siege to the mighty Rasna city of Clevsin, intending to negotiate land rights. The king of Clevsin, desperate and fearing the Senones, called for Roman intervention. So the Romans sent three men from the Fabii
clan to help negotiate peace.

But negotiations broke down, and the Rasna sent out their army to oust the Senones from their lands. The Roman ambassadors took up arms with the Rasna, and broke their neutrality in the affair. In the following battle, one of the Roman ambassadors killed a Senone chieftain. Upon realizing that the ambassadors' neutrality had been broken, the Senones retreated and discussed their next course of action.

In response to the death of a chieftain by Roman hands, the Senones sent ambassadors to Roma, demanding that the Fabii ambassadors be handed over and have justice dealt upon them for their treachery. In response, the Romans promoted the ambassadors to the highest position attainable in their Republic, military tribunes and consuls. The Senones obviously did not take this well. Insulted, the ambassadors returned to Brennos at Clevsin to inform him of the disrespect brought upon them by the Romans.

Brennos, enraged at the Romans, took his army, and marched them south toward Roma. Surprisingly, however, the Senones did not attack or raid a single village or farm along the road to Roma. In fact, they shouted along the way:

"We are marching on Roma, and declare war only on the Romans, but you are our friends!"

Upon hearing news of the Senone horde marching on their cities, the Romans gathered their forces under a general named Quintus Sulpicius. Quintus Sulpicius lead twenty-four thousand men in phalanx to check the Senones' advance.

And so, along a creak named Allia, Brennos met the Romans in battle.
 
Chapter 2: Vae Victis
It was the fourth to last day of the Karkinos in 387 B.C.E when the Romans met the Senones just North of the city of Roma at a small tributary into the River Tiber called Allia. The Romans, under Quintus Silpicius with approximately 24,000 men in phalanx formation, were expecting to completely destroy the Senones who approached their city with only half the number.

It is uncertain exactly how the Celts lead by Brennos managed to not only come out of the battle victorious, but came out victorious after slaughtering the Roman army and sustaining only minimal casualties. One popular theory is that the Senone army comprised of veterans who had mostly been fighting their entire life, and who were larger, stronger, and completely superior to the Romans in every way imaginable, instilled so much fear in the Romans upon their charge, that the phalanx broke and the Senones tore the Roman army apart then and there. But this is inconsistent with fact. The Romans army, too, was largely comprised of veterans who had fought not only the Rasna to the north, but other Italic and Latin tribes to the east. The Romans also were no cowards. One can assume based off their previous encounters with the Senones in the mediation between the city of Clevsin and Brennos that the Romans had some idea of what to expect.

What is more likely to be the reason for the wholesale Celtic victory can be found upon examination of most Italic battle formations. The phalanx adopted by the Italic tribes and the Rasna certainly was not perfect. Its main flaw was that the soldiers that comprised of it were not uniform. Most Italic armies that used the phalanx (and the Romans were no different) required that each man be supplied with his own weapons. The wealthier, more heavily armored and well-armed hoplites made up the center, while the poorer and more poorly armed men made up the flanks. While this formation works well against others of its kind, it falls apart when matched against a more mobile army. What is most likely to have happened is that the Senones rushed into the battle like any other Celtic army of the time, but paid close attention to the weak points of the Roman formation—the flanks. The Senones likely fell upon the Roman flanks like a hammer, beating them to the ground in pools of blood, and then surrounded the heavy hoplite center, where the wealthier Romans were encircled and butchered.

Unfortunately for the Romans, most of their leaders and heads of their city would be found within the center, and so much of the Roman leadership would be gone. This left the city practically defenseless.

Those who managed to escape were all from the flanks. Those on the left ran for Veii, while those on the right fled for Roma.

And the Senones followed.

Upon arriving at the city, the Senones ransacked everything. What was left of the Roman military and leadership barricaded themselves in their acropolis. Brennos laid siege to the city, now in a state of despair. The oligarchy met in the acropolis to discuss what to do. They decided to send a messenger to their former dictator Marcus Furius Camillus, who had been in exile in a town over twenty miles away. The messenger climbed a cliff that the Senones had neglected, and almost escaped with the message, but was caught just outside the city by a group of band of Senones gathering a herd of Roman cattle. The unnamed messenger was promptly killed, and his head brought to Brennos with the note he bore [1].

Later, the Senones discovered the cliff by which the man had climbed, and made a charge up it to the acropolis. The city was plundered, and brought to its knees. All but the Capitol Hill had been looted and sacked.

But both sides needed the siege to end. While the Romans were obviously being sacked and looted, the Senones were having their own problems. Not having buried the bodies in the streets, many of the Senones began to come down with sickness and disease. Also, Brennos seems to be aware of the fact that his army was not fully prepared for siege, and could not sustain on much longer.

So, both sides met to negotiate the terms of Roman defeat. The Romans agreed to pay one thousand pounds in gold to Brennos and his Celts as ransom for their city. But when the transaction was made, the Romans objected, claiming that Brennos' scales were weighed and not set to standard. At this, Brennos took his sword, and placed it upon the scale, snarling: "Woe to the defeated!"

Brennos demanded that the Romans bring more gold, but they refused. One of the Roman tribunes placed his sword on the scale and claimed: "Not gold, but steel!"

Battle soon broke out in the streets. The Senones, outnumbering the few armed Romans left alive, overcame their adversaries, chasing them up the acropolis, until every man was slain, and every woman was handed out. Only after taking all the wealth within the city did the Senones leave Roma, burning as a sign of fortunes to come for Italia.

[1] Here is the POD. OTL, the messenger managed to sneak passed the Senones, and inform Camillus that he was assigned dictator of Rom. Camillus then rallied an army, and drove the Senones out of Latium after paying the ransom for the city.
 
Chapter 3: The Foundations of Sena
Located on the Adriatic, the town the Senones settled, which would later become a city to be known as Sena had humble beginnings. Originally the war encampment of Brennos' Senone horde on the mouth of the River Misa, it would later become a major political center of Italia in later decades.

When Brennos returned from his war with the Romans, he came back to Sena with all the riches of the burnt city. The women of the city were taken by the Celtic soldiers and distributed as wives or servants. It is estimated that after the burning of Roma, and the consequent rape of Roman women, the Senone population boomed into the next generation. Roman workers and slaves had two options: enslavement under the Senones, or sacrifice to the Celtic gods. Most chose slavery, and carried much of the rubble of Roma across the Apennines to Sena to help build the city.

While Brennos by no means had any plans of a grand city, he was pragmatic. From the stones of Roman buildings, a defensive wall was built around Sena. Like many Celtic cities of the period, Sena was shaped in a fort-like foundation with the wealthiest parts of the city found at the center. But the city certainly had an Italian flair with stone walls, and houses, though of Celtic architecture, built from materials used in Italian houses.

In 385 B.C.E Brennos officially declared himself the King of the Sena. Though the decision would seem obvious, several Senone nobles challenged Brennos for the right to the throne. Two prominent contenders included the chieftains Catugaesum and Tarvos. Rallying their men, the three chieftains quickly resorted to violence to validate their claim to the throne.

Catugaesum's faction met Brennos in battle that summer outside Sena. The two forces, relatively small compared to the force sent to sack Clevsin and Roma, probably comprised of one thousand men on each side.

Catugaesum stood out in front of his army dressed in full Celtic noble armor. His long mustache flowed in the wind as he shouted insults at Brennos, called him a coward, the son of a swine and a whore, and insulted his masculinity. Brennos responded by shouting back that Catugaesum was the coward, not he, and that Catugaesum could not pleasure a woman without having the shaft of a spear to assist him in penetrating.

radition, Brennos claimed his enemy's head and hung it from around the neck of his horse.

While Catugaesum's doom is well documented, little is known about the fate of Brennos' other rival for the throne, Tarvos. Sources are contradictory, as some claim that Brennos defeated him in a duel before both of their armies, while other sources claim that Tarvos surrendered his claim to the throne in exchange for gold and land.

Regardless, it is certain that by the end of 384 B.C.E the Senone chieftain Brennos claimed the title of Senonirix, King of Sena.
 
Well that was a surprise, from the title I expected the big change being a Roman defeat at siege of Veii, presumably by city hiring the Celts as mercenaries to break the siege from the outside. I think ''Woe to the defeated'' and ''Not gold but steel'' will enter the history, but not in latin form. With Rome ravaged so badly, I think well have a feeding frenzy in central Apennine Peninsula as everybody will seek to improve their territorial position.

[
radition, Brennos claimed his enemy's head and hung it from around the neck of his horse.

/SPOILER]

I think something got let out.
 
Chapter 4: Senonirix’s War
After centralizing his command and officially claiming the title of Senonirix Brennos, the King Brennos seemed to have recalled his reasons for settling down in Italia to begin with. Indeed, with the last major military power in northern Italia laid low and out of the way, it appeared that the land was ripe for the taking. In the summer of 383 B.C.E the Senone army marched into mexl Rasnal and laid siege to Perusia, a Rasna city near the head of the Tiber River.

Senonirix Brennos demanded that Perusia pay him tribute and give the Senones its rich farmlands, or else see its doom. Initially, the king of Perusia refused, and attempted to fight off the Senones. He led the Rasna elite hoplites out to meet the Senones, their armor glistening in the summer sun. The Senones yelled and cried intimidating.

Battle ensued.

Senonirix Brennos lead the charge, riding a chariot adorned with the heads of his fallen enemies. They bumped and pounded, dried hair twirling like flags of death, against the sides of his chariot. His long mustache blew in the wind as his driver brought him closer to the phalanx line. His grey eyes narrowed as he grabbed his javelin, and at just the last second, he launched the weapon into the Rasna line. Just as his chariot turned, he saw the spear meat its mark. Behind him, two thousand champions on chariots did likewise, riding forward at full speed, and launching their javelins just at the last moment before pulling back. With the line weakened, the footmen, far behind the swift charioteers, cut through the Perusians like a blade through tender flesh. The Rasna were slow, cumbersome, and rigid. The Senones were fast, agile, and fluid. Like a tidal wave, the men painted blue bore down, rushing through the golden fields and pastures.

Said fields and pastures soon turned scarlet from the rage of battle borne.

When the Senone footmen broke through the Perusian line, tearing through the phalanx like wolves amongst the flock, the Senone champions dismounted from their chariots and rushed to join them. Glory in war, amongst all things, was what the Senones wanted. Indeed, the rich lands and the wealthy city were excellent boons for such a war, but the average man who not only ran, but made a mad dash in nothing but his skin, hair standing on end in rigid lemon-dried spikes, body painted blue, heart pounding like the deep drums and voice shouting like the battle-horns in the distance—yes, it was all for glory that they ran into the fray and carnage.

The Perusian center crumbled, the phalanx falling in on itself like a demolished building. Rasna fought as best as they could, but with their long spears, they could not fight effectively in such close combat. Many men dropped their spears entirely in preference for knives as weapons. Some Perusians did without their arms entirely, and fought the Senones with nothing more than their fists for weapons. However, nothing they could do would hold back the waves of Senones, crashing down harder and harder.

The Rasna quickly fled back into the walls of their city and barricaded the gates. The Senones camped outside Perusia for a month until the Perusian king conceded and paid the Senones seven hundred pounds of gold, a hundred cows, and three hundred sheep, and that was merely the compensation for the lost Senone warriors. The farmlands around the city were handed over to Senonirix Brennos, and Perusian itself was forced to pay an annual tribute of two hundred pounds of gold and four hundred pounds of silver, or else forfeit its sovereignty.

The next year, Senonirix Brennos launched yet another campaign into Rasna lands, this time for his old target of Clevsin. The city was laid under siege once again, reminiscent of its ordeal with the Senones in 391 B.C.E However, nine years later in 382 B.C.E, the city had no Romans to save it from its grim fate.

The next spring, Clevsin fell, and the Senones not only sacked it, pouring through the gates and ransacking the city, but set it ablaze when they were done. It is unknown how or why. In fact, it seems counter-productive to the Senones who had initially wished to make Clevsin their new home and to replace Sena as the capital of Brennos' new kingdom. There are several stories about how the Burning of Clevsin occurred.

The first, and most famous, is that the Rasna king of Clevsin Lauxum insulted Senonirix Brennos by spitting in his face as Brennos broke into his palace. Brennos then took off Lauxum's head, claiming it as a trophy, and said:

"Let his body be set afire with the rest of his palace, so that all shall know that Senonirix has slain Lauxum at last."

However, when his servants set the palace on fire, a wind came in from the north, and blew the flames into the city. The Senones quickly escaped while the fire grew out of control and devoured the city.

Another story is that Lauxum himself set his palace on fire as Brennos and his men approached. A Rasna source claims he grabbed a lamp filled with oil and shouted to the gods:

"No barbarian shall have me or my city! Clevsin will burn before being in the hands of outsiders! But my city will rise again from ash like the phoenix, and rain down justice upon the Senones!"

And with that, Lauxum poured the oil onto his skin, and set himself, his family, and his servants on fire, sacrificing his city to spite Senonirix Brennos.

Both stories hold credence, but both resulted in the same end. Clevsin burned to the ground, and the Senones returned to Sena with all the riches of the city in tow. It was the beginning of a new age for Italia, one that would lead to more war, more bloodshed, and perhaps more myth than truth in the shadowy depths of the past.
 
Chapter 5: The Rotting Corpse
Historians note the lack of Rasna literature and documentation during this time period. Almost all of what is known comes either from the Greeks to the far south, or from histories written a century later by the Latin peoples who would later don the name of the Etruscans. While in previous centuries, Rasna documentation was uncommonly complete, even during their spat with the Latin Romans,
but suddenly with the rise of the Senones to their direct East, and increasingly powerful hand in the affairs of mexl Rasnal, the mysteriously Rasna suddenly stopped writing.

The most commonly accepted theory is that during this time where Rasna cities were sacked (and in the case of Clevsin, burned) almost yearly by this new and hyper-militant enemy, the educated classes of Rasna suffered. Either their fortunes were lost and less people could afford to buy or make materials to write with, or the Senones slaughtered them upon reaching the more affluent parts of whichever city they sacked that year.

The Senones were not keen on burning script. In most Celtic cultures, script was holy and only the Druids could write (both by law and ability). It seems unlikely that the Senones would intentionally burn any literature they found. This appears obvious when one looks at the historical record of events before the rise of Sena as a power in Italia left intact.

But with the death of Rasna literature, so it seemed the language itself was declining at a quickening speed. Make no mistake; it is easy for history books to discount the destructive force a raiding army can have upon a city and a civilization at large. It is estimated that the Senones managed to cut Rasna populations in half, while their population remained constant, if not increasing along the coast of the Adriatic. The city of Veii was already mostly Latinized by the time the Senones sacked and destroyed Roma. In fact, after Roma was left a burning rubble along the Tiber, most of the survivors fled and settled in Veii. This marked a growing trend of Latins moving north into the devastated Rasna cities and settling them.

By 365 B.C.E it is believed that the population of native Rasna speakers had dwindled down to as little as a quarter of what it once had in its heartland along the Tiber with the continued Senone military presence in the region and the Latin population moving in. However, in the Rasna cities further North, like Mantua, Felsina, Spica, Atria, and further West, like Fufluna, Felathri, and Vetluna, Rasna remained the majority language and ethnicity, mostly untouched by the Senones and Latins.

But on a political level, indeed, the Rasna could no longer be considered a formidable force. During the twenty-seven year long period of Senone invasion and subjugation of Rasna territories, starting with Brennos' first assault on Clevsin in 390 B.C.E and the final fall of Fufluna in 363 B.C.E as the last independent city in the Rasna Confederation to Senonirix Cingetocintus.
 
Interesting and different. Sounds like the Latins are still likely to emerge as the dominant power in at least central Italy but without Rome as their leader. Possibly a Latinized Veii? Going to be tough for them with the Celts on the rampage but possibly there is internal division in the Celtic state and/or significant military reforms. Have to see what develops.
 
Chapter 6: The Battle of Arretium
In 379 B.C.E the Rasna lands between the Tiber and the Arno the Rasna had not seen a Senone raid in three years. The Rasna city of Perusia continued to pay tribute to the Senonirix, the Latins continued to trickle into the depopulated Rasna cities, and the island of Corsica, which was supposedly under Rasna sphere of influence after the Battle of Alalia, had fallen to their once Carthaginian allies. But Brennos had not launched a campaign into their lands for three years.

The city of Arretium had taken this reprieve to fortify itself. Caught in the corridor between the Tiber and the Arno, Arretium was the lone Rasna fortress that kept the Senones from overrunning the entire region. It was the dam holding back the flood, metaphorically speaking. If Brennos took control of this city, his warriors could pass in and out of mexl Rasnal without an utterance of contestation. The fortress stood at the top of a hill with two fortified stone walls surrounding it. The outer wall surrounded the city as well as the necropolis on Usilpes, a hill adjacent to the city. The inner wall surrounded the acropolis, where the palace and public-square were. On the eastern side, the wall gave way to a steep cliff. Outside the city, Rasna farmers and peasants scurried about in their fields.

enonirix Brennos stood in his chariot, eyes fixed on the glimmering city in the distance. The Sun had just come up behind him and his army. This would be the last massive battle his people would need to secure their territory in central Italia. If Arretium fell, the rest would crumble like dust. The Senones would wash over the countryside like a great flood. Behind him, he had assembled every man capable of bearing arms within his territory. Senones, Umbrii, Piceni, and even some Rasna filled his ranks, armed with whatever they had. He had hired five thousand Insubre mercenaries, and two thousand Latin hoplites. In all, the Senonirix had mustered almost fifty thousand men, with a strong twenty thousand Senone core. He thought to himself that any enemy would be a fool to dare contest such a horde.

The Senonirix placed his horned helmet atop his head. His body was draped in a coat of chainmail, and he was armed to the teeth. Brennos said to his chariot driver:

"Delgu marusego Senoni pa dunum. Eimu!"

The chariot driver nodded, and brought the horses to a run. Brennos lifted his spear and let out a terrifying roar as his dyed hair whipped in the wind and his long mustache pulled back over his face. The heads of his enemies clanged against each other as the hung on the necks of his horses and the sides of his chariot. His war cry was followed by the booming sound of an entire army's voices. The war-horns wailed balefully, and the low drums pounded, almost as loud as the thunderous pounding of hooves against the earth.

The Rasna peasants outside Arretium, as if by instinct, dropped whatever they were doing, and made a mad dash for the city gates. Some vainly attempted to hustle their herds of sheep and cattle into the city before the Senones came down on them.

Brennos' chariot tore through the golden fields of wheat. Without much thought, he lobbed off the head of peasant. The city of Arretium would not have time to let in all of the farmers before the horde reached the gate. The gate shut closed, abandoning hundreds of Rasna peasants outside. But Brennos was clever like a hawk. Instead of slaughtering the peasants, he had them rounded up and sold as slaves. The Senone army began to ransack the countryside, burned down their houses, and took anything of value.

Brennos addressed the city of Arretium, and gave them the choice to surrender to his mighty host, or fall beneath the feet of the mighty Senone warriors.

The siege took months. The Senones cut off the water supply to Arretium, and began to starve them out. By the fourth month of siege, the city smelled like sickness. If the wind blew the right way, the Senone army could smell the dying inside the city, a death trap.

By the seventh month of siege, the Rasna force finally came out in an attempt to fight off the Senone horde. The hoplites marched out of the gate in phalanx formation. The wealthy, upper class soldiers made the center, and the poorer, less equipped made the flanks. The Rasna, short in comparison to the mighty Senones, made themselves look taller by mounting huge crests of horsehair on their helmets.

The invading army quickly rallied, and made a line. They beat their shields as the war drums boomed behind them and the war horns howled in the wind. The Senones began to shout and roar. Brennos came to the front and began to insult the Rasna as was custom. He called them weaklings and cowards who hid behind walls, and fools for challenging his army. But the Rasna continued to march closer.

Tired of the theatrics, and apparently just as ready for battle as the Rasna, the Senonirix took his spear, and bellowed as he launched it at the defending army. He saw one man fall, pinned to the ground, but the formation kept moving closer. Brennos roared, and the Senone army charged.

The battle was so bloody, the fields of gold were said to have turned scarlet. The fields are still known today as Rudolana.
The entire Rasna army was completely slaughtered, but it took a heavy toll on the Senone horde. While the exact number is unknown, it is estimated that as many as ten thousand were killed or wounded in the fray. Among the dead was the Senonirix Brennos.

Only after the Senones rushed into Arretium and seized control over it did the chieftains realize that their kings was dead. The Senone chieftains agreed to hold off the contest for succession until they returned to Sena and had secured the area around Arretium.
 

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