Alternate History The Undying Empire: A Trebizond Timeline

ATP

Well-known member
No Moscov,Prussia and Habsburg?
Dear author,you arleady created better world.

About Africa - i read,that christians hold in Sudan till 16th century.And was famous archers.

About Americas - if plagues get to Mexico before englisman,then all states there could collapse.I read about so callet "City Z" in Honduras - in fact,many cities - in which surviving locals destroyed their gods and come back to being villagers,so till 2000 nobody knew that there were any cyvilisation there.
And pope would eventually say,that local are humans and could not be enslaved,just like in OTL.
 

CastilloVerde

Active member
Excelent worldbuilding! Keep up the great work.

I agree with @ATP that no Muscovy, Prussia and Habsburg will make this TL more interesting.

I think a world map or a few regional maps would be helpful to see the world situation a bit more, though.
 

Eparkhos

Well-known member
No Moscov,Prussia and Habsburg?
Dear author,you arleady created better world.

About Africa - i read,that christians hold in Sudan till 16th century.And was famous archers.

About Americas - if plagues get to Mexico before englisman,then all states there could collapse.I read about so callet "City Z" in Honduras - in fact,many cities - in which surviving locals destroyed their gods and come back to being villagers,so till 2000 nobody knew that there were any cyvilisation there.
And pope would eventually say,that local are humans and could not be enslaved,just like in OTL.
Re: the Americas

I think the northern arrival of the English will cause the wave of plagues to spread earlier and thus give the civilizations time to rebound. I'm mulling over a surviving Plaquemine complex as is, but I haven't planned out much in Mesoamerica. Eventually, a Pope who was at one time a Barbary slave will outlaw slavery in the Atlanic, as well.
Excelent worldbuilding! Keep up the great work.

I agree with @ATP that no Muscovy, Prussia and Habsburg will make this TL more interesting.

I think a world map or a few regional maps would be helpful to see the world situation a bit more, though.
Interesting times, interesting times.

I'm working on a map for 1500 right now, but got a little bogged down. It should be out soon.
 
Part XXVIII: The War of the Lithuanian Succession (1498-1501)

Eparkhos

Well-known member
Part XXVIII: The War of the Lithuanian Succession (1498-1501)


Upon the death of Kazimierz IV, his empire shattered. His eldest son, Vladislaus, had been co-king of Bohemia alongside Matthew the Raven for a decade and a half[1], but he was unwilling to assume complete control over his father’s vast realm, preferring to remain with his subjects in Prague. As such, the many crowns of King Kazimierz were divided between his other sons. His second son, Jan Olbracht, was crowned as King of Poland, while his third son, Aleksandras, became Grand Duke of Lithuania. Finally, the youngest son, Sigismund, became Duke of Pomeralia and Lord of the Prussian Confederation, effectively ruling the lands which his father had seized from the Teutons.


This sudden division caused a myriad of problems. Vadislaus and Sigismund were alright, but Poland and Lithuania, the former heartlands of the Jagiellon dynasty, were soon facing dozens of brewing conflicts. Kazimierz had kept taxes in Poland almost ridiculously low to mollify the local nobility, drawing most of his funds from his possessions in Lithuania. With no Lithuanian reserves to draw upon, Jan Olbracht was forced to raise taxes, which made the szlachta thoroughly despise him. In fact, even raising the taxes was a hard-fought battle, as the sejm blocked every attempted reform he made for three entire years before finally granting concessions. However, this came with a price; the sejm would have the ability to veto any appointment made by the king. Jan Olbracht chafed at this, but eventually agreed, relieved to be able to finally pay back the Italian money-lenders who were circling him like sharks. He soon realized his error in 1495, when the sejm refused to allow him to appoint a general to lead a relief expedition to Lithuania, and so he was forced to watch impotently as his brother’s kingdom burned.


The chief problem facing Lithuania was not internal disputes, as was the case in Poland, although this was still a major concern, as many of the Lithuanian nobles despised Aleksandras. Instead, Lithuania was beset on all sides by hostile neighbors. To the east, the Russian states eyed the increasingly weak state as a bank whose stolen wealth could be used to finance their wars, and to the north the Teutons and Livonians were smarting for revenge against the dynasts who had driven them out of Prussia. However, the gravest threat was to the east, where Ahmed Sultan had recovered his control of the Golden Horde and was eying up Lithuania as a route for expansion. In 1498, after recovering from the disaster in Georgia, Ahmed led an army across the Dnieper and ravaged the lands across the river, going as far west as the Tylihul before returning to his pastures, a great train of slaves of other such loot following him home. Aleksandras marshalled an army and marched to meet him, intercepting the Mongol army at Yavkyne. The resulting battle was a massacre, the Lithuanian army being encircled by the mounted archers and ground to a pulp. Aleksandras barely escaped with his life, he and a few other knights managing to escape on a river barge. This was the spark that lit the powder keg, and within a few months all of Lithuania was aflame.


With the king revealed to be fully incompetent, the nobility of Lithuania rose in revolt. Mykolas Glinskis[2], a magnate whose lands occupied the heavily-raided eastern frontier, was the first to revolt in late 1498, raising the standard of Jan Olbracht, whom he formally invited to take the throne a few weeks later. He was quickly joined by much of the eastern nobility, who hoped for a strong ruler to help defend their lands from Russian and Tartar incursions. The irony of trying to install the weak king of Poland to fulfill this desire was apparently lost upon them. Within a few months, Glinkis’ rebellion had spread across all the east of Lithuania, with most of the nobility either defecting or declaring their neutrality. A handful of nobles stayed loyal, however, led by Konstanty Ostrogiškis[3], who was able to muster some 5,000 men against Glinskis’ 8,000. Lithuania, like Poland was also deeply in debt, and so neither side was able to bolster their strength with mercenary hosts, although Glinskis was able to rally a few Tartar light horsemen to supplement his knights. The winter of 1498-1499 saw negotiations between the two parties fail, and in the spring the two armies began probing each other’s positions.


Meanwhile, over in Poland, Jan Olbracht was attempting to join his supporters in Lithuania. However, he was being held up by obstructionists in both the sejm and in the eastern duchies. Many of the Polish nobles thought that having a weak king and thus being able to exercise however many ‘rights’ they wished, was more important the geopolitical power that would be brought by the annexation of Lithuania, and so were opposed to Jan Olbracht’s desire to intervene. Chief among these was Konrad the Rudy, the Duke of Mazovia. In the much-reduced Polish kingdom, Konrad had become a king-maker, with his support needed for any faction hoping to enact anything major. However, in a reunified Poland-Lithuania, his power would be significantly reduced, and thus he was vehemently opposed to any plans of reunification. He succeeded in stalling Jan Olbracht for a year and a half until, with the king even going so far as to threaten to assassinate Konrad if he did not give in. During this time, Jan Olbracht could do little but send funds--very limited funds--to his Lithuanian supporters, with which they could hire mercenaries. Finally, in mid-1501, Konrad relented in exchange for the promise of vast tracts of land in Lithuania, and the Polish army was joined by a sizable number of Mazovians.


It was fortuitous, because Polish force was needed to help the pro-Jan Olbracht faction’s numerous handicaps. Although Glinskis had the initial advantage in terms of numbers and general support, the fractious nature of his cause made it difficult for him to rally these resources, and he spent more time mediating between his subordinates than he did actually campaigning. Ostrogiškis, on the other hand, was more of an autocrat than Aleksandras was, able to order his followers about at will and was thus able to coordinate strategic maneuvers in a way Glinskis could not, which gave him a slight edge against the rebels. He could also completely withdraw from or march into areas without concern for the properties of his subordinates which, once again, was not something Glinski could do. Finally, he had control over the capital, Vilnius, and thus access to the state treasury and tax collection system, which allowed him to keep his army well-supplied, while Glinski had to beg, borrow and steal from the landowners whose regions he controlled.


The campaign season of 1499 saw fighting primarily around the northern Dnieper. As soon as the roads were navigable once again in late May[4], Ostrogiškis rushed eastward to try and seize the royal armory at Smolensk. However, he was beaten to the city by rebel forces, and the loyalists soon found themselves beating a hasty retreat back along the northern bank of the river. A force of over-eager cossacks rushed ahead of the main force and were shattered at the fords of the Drut north of Drutsk. This left the two armies at a rough status quo, but the strategic position had been changed. Ostrogiškis had planned to seize Smolensk and then use it to pin the rebels on the right bank of the Dnieper, eventually surrounding and crushing them. Now, however, he would be forced onto the defensive. However, the ever-active mind of the great general soon evolved a new plan. With hostile intervention from Poland a possibility at any time, he would use the broad and defensible Neman to anchor his flank, then deploy his forces along the roads eastward. He would draw the rebels in to the gap between the fortress cities of Minsk and Kreva, where they could be cut off and defeated. Glinskis, meanwhile, was hesitant to attack before support from Poland could arrive. As such, he was very cautious, and that year limited his advancement to assaults on the fortresses of Drutsk, in mid-July, then onward to the former royal residence at Barysaw in late August. However, he was mindful enough to send a sizeable force north-east to cut the roads to the fortresses of the northern frontier, where a large potential reserve force was waiting to be marshalled.


The standoff continued into the winter and spring of 1500. Deciding that he had to do something, Glinskis took the offensive, unknowingly doing so only a few weeks before Ostrogiškis would have yielded more ground. In late June, the rebels marched north-east from Barysaw, reaching the banks of the Nevis River, which flows directly into Vilnius itself, without a fight. With his forces caught out of position, Ostrogiškis rushed north with the left flank of his army to block their advance, while his right swung around to cut off their retreat. The resulting Battle of Smarhon was fought on 12 July, near the small fortress on the river banks. Both forces were tired, but the loyalists were able to form up quickly and were able to batter down the rebel vanguard before their cavalry could be deployed. The lines then joined ranks, fighting for over an hour before the rebels withdrew. Losses were light--less than 3,000, overall--but Glinskis was forced to withdraw by the arrival of the right flank in their rear, which forced a hasty withdrawal back to Barysaw. The two forces would remain in roughly the same position through the rest of the season, the rebel cause gradually shedding men as they failed to make headway.


Ostrogiškis was preparing for a final offensive to crush the rebels against the Dnieper the following spring. A number of fence-sitters had rallied to him after Smarhon, and he now saw an opportunity to crush the rebels against the banks of the Dnieper, hopefully breaking the back of the insurrection in one blow. However, this plan was scuppered by the arrival of a Polish army in mid-1501. Seeing his final opportunity for survival, Ostrogiškis immediately abandoned his defensive works and force-marched towards the approaching host. On 2 July, the two hosts spotted each other and the Poles rushed into battle formations. However, instead of attacking, the Lithuanian general rode out between the lines. He knelt before the king, explained that he was fighting out of loyalty to the throne not because of loyalty to Aleksandras, and that he now recognized him as Grand Duke. Recognizing it for what it was--an attempt to jump ship, but still an opportunity to pacify the Lithuanians--Jan Olbracht accepted his pledge of loyalty. The combined host then marched on Vilnius, where Jan Olbracht was crowned as Grand Duke of Lithuania, taking the first step to restoring his father’s empire.


The obvious question in all of this is where was Aleksandras? It was in his name that Ostrogiškis, and one would reason that he would join in to preserve his throne. However, he was nowhere to be found. After the disaster at Tylihul, the Grand Duke had fled to the Black Sea littoral of his realm. He holed up in the small maritime fortress of Ginestra, where he remained for the next few days. Nominally, this was because the continued Mongol raids required his presence to protect the region, but in fact it was cowardice. When word reached him of the surrender of Ostrogiškis, he lost any hope he had left of recovering the grand duchy and turned to flight. He gathered up a host of mercenaries and loyalists and fled from Ginestra, not entirely sure of his plan but confident that he could escape his brother’s coming wrath.


After a turbulent crossing of the Black Sea, the former Grand Duke made landfall near Sinope. It was an immense relief, as he and his followers had nearly been sunk several times on their crossing, but he did not have long to celebrate it. The sudden appearance of this strange force had caused the local bandons to be mustered out, and within a few hours Aleksandras was surrounded by several hundred militiamen. In probably the only moment of valor in his life, the Lithuanian rallied his men and tried to make a breakout, only to be utterly slaughtered as more and more bandons appeared. Aleksandras himself was clapped in chains and dragged to Trapezous, where he was thrown before the aftokrator. Alexandros had been distracted with an ongoing family dispute (more on that later), but the insolence of this Latin was infuriating to him. Disregarding his status and rank--well, actually, he did pay a great deal of attention to it, as it was the only thing keeping Aleksandras’ head on his shoulders--he had the noblemen stripped naked and beaten, then tied up outside the palace gate to be mocked by the poor while he figured out what to do with him.


Alexandros sent an embassy under his brother, Basileios Megalos Komnenos, to Krakow. Jan Olbracht was busy with the intricacies of bringing Poland and Lithuania together in formal, not just personal, union, but he was eager to get his hands on his idiot brother and thus remove one of the greatest threats to his rule. He offered the Trapezuntines twenty thousand pounds of gold[5] in exchange for Aleksandras, but this was rebuffed. The Trapezuntines did not want gold or coin, they had more than enough of both. Not that they would refuse it, to be sure, but there were still more important things. One of the chief demands of Alexandros was that the Poles and Lithuanians extend a former declaration of protection over his realm. There were few states that the Ottomans feared, and he would not pass up the opportunity to bring one of them to his defense. Jan Olbracht considered this fair, and was about to agree before Basileios inserted the final clause. The king’s closest brother, Fryderyk, would be taken to Trapezous as a hostage. Seeing this as an insult to his honor, Jan Olbracht had the Pont thrown out on his ear. A few weeks later, a second embassy arrived in Krakow, led by the aftokrator’s far more diplomatic half-brother, Basileios Mgeli. Mgeli flattered the King, telling him of how the insults which the previous embassy had been egregious and completely unsanctioned, and of how it was entirely right for him to expel him. Mgeli told Jan Olbracht that the Trapezuntines would greatly reduce their demands to apologize for this insolence. They would ask for only 15,000 pounds of gold and the fortress of Ginestra, which was the only formerly Genoese possession in the Black Sea the Trapezuntines hadn’t been able to con-- protect. Olbracht considered this acceptable, and promised to turn over Ginestra when his brother was given over to him. Mgeli also convinced him to enter into an anti-Ottoman defensive pact. After all, there was nothing for either of them to gain by allowing the Sublime Porte to increase in size and strength, and so they should act together, as Christian brothers, to stem the tide of the Islamic hordes which surrounded their beacons of light.


Aleksandras was returned to Lithuania in early 1503, and shortly afterwards a Trapezuntine garrison was installed in Ginestra. It would prove to be excellent timing, for only a few months later Trapezous would be plunged into a crisis similar to Lithuania’s…..


---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[1] This is Matthais Hunyadi. ‘Matthew the Raven’ is just such a badass name that I find myself compelled to use it.

[2] Better known as Michael Glinski. Funnily enough, I actually killed him off in ‘Gog and Magog’ but accidently left it out, so he’s still alive and kicking.

[3] Better known as Konstanty Ostrogski, he is most notable in OTL for participating in a crusade against Muscovy in spite of being Orthodox himself.

[4] The same road-destroying rains that plagued Napoleon and Hitler effected the moving of the two factions.

[5] This is actually a surprisingly small ransom; the ransom for Richard I of England, whose realm was about as valuable as Lithuania, had a ransom of some 150,000 pounds of silver.
 

stevep

Well-known member
Eparkhos

Been busy for a couple of days but finally caught up and a hell of a ride. Lot of changes around the world with plenty of potential for more to come. In western Europe France is looking far too powerful for probably everybody bar the French but sounds like their going to receive a serious challenge soon. A lot of other things going on and Columbus ending up as a ruler of a medium sized state is ironic. A couple of quick questions.

a) Can Alexandros stay a close ally to the Qoyunlu when he's technically a vassal of the Ottomans? Or does the former accept its only a token status and in the event of war the empire is likely to side with them against the Ottomans. The latter are much reduced but I wonder if possibly they will end up allying with the Maraluks to oppose the Qoyunlu. Mind you it sounds like the Ottomans are looking to expand their position in Europe 1st.
b) Can tobacco actually be cultivated as far north as New York/Long Island? I would have thought it needs somewhere further north. I love the idea of an English 'Brazil' and Portuguese 'Virginia' as that's going to cause reading a lot of stress remembering where they actually are. ;)
c) - OK I lied. Sounds like Alexandros isn't going to be with us much longer and he may have done a Basil II and not prepare properly for the succession.
d) If they reach far enough and fast enough then the assorted pandemics that will plague the Americans may get a chance to pass their immediate effects before European colonists arrive so possibly some of the states, most likely the Incas may be able to put up a bit more resistance. Although without major changes and given their wealth the Incas are likely to be overwhelmed sooner or later.
e) Have to see how the other big impact coming up in Europe, the Reformation, develops. Might be delayed somewhat with a weaker or less influential Papacy but probably going to be a challenge to it sooner or later.

Anyway looking forward to seeing how things develop. Very much enjoying the ride. :D
 

ATP

Well-known member
Your SI should keep both Persia and Ottomans as weak as possible.Difficult task.
America - Aztecs would be conqered by anybody,but other polities,like Tlascallans and Tarascans was smarter.Later regullary massacred any Aztec army send against them - becouse they fought to kill,not take alive and butcher later.

P.S about Poland - Mazovia was still independent,and becouse their gentry was numerous and poor,they,after being part of Poland/1526/ get easily corrupted and helped change Poland from republic into oligarchy.
It would be better,if Mazovia remained independent state.
Interesting thing - after 1066 many saxons from England come there,and althought they quickly become poles,Mazovia crest is
still Wyvern - crest of Wessex kingdom.
Pity,that you could not use that in your story.All saxons descendents arleady forgotten their roots/mostly - gentry using Korab crest still belived,that their ancestor comed from England after defeating sea monster.
 

Eparkhos

Well-known member
Eparkhos

Been busy for a couple of days but finally caught up and a hell of a ride. Lot of changes around the world with plenty of potential for more to come. In western Europe France is looking far too powerful for probably everybody bar the French but sounds like their going to receive a serious challenge soon. A lot of other things going on and Columbus ending up as a ruler of a medium sized state is ironic. A couple of quick questions.

a) Can Alexandros stay a close ally to the Qoyunlu when he's technically a vassal of the Ottomans? Or does the former accept its only a token status and in the event of war the empire is likely to side with them against the Ottomans. The latter are much reduced but I wonder if possibly they will end up allying with the Maraluks to oppose the Qoyunlu. Mind you it sounds like the Ottomans are looking to expand their position in Europe 1st.
b) Can tobacco actually be cultivated as far north as New York/Long Island? I would have thought it needs somewhere further north. I love the idea of an English 'Brazil' and Portuguese 'Virginia' as that's going to cause reading a lot of stress remembering where they actually are. ;)
c) - OK I lied. Sounds like Alexandros isn't going to be with us much longer and he may have done a Basil II and not prepare properly for the succession.
d) If they reach far enough and fast enough then the assorted pandemics that will plague the Americans may get a chance to pass their immediate effects before European colonists arrive so possibly some of the states, most likely the Incas may be able to put up a bit more resistance. Although without major changes and given their wealth the Incas are likely to be overwhelmed sooner or later.
e) Have to see how the other big impact coming up in Europe, the Reformation, develops. Might be delayed somewhat with a weaker or less influential Papacy but probably going to be a challenge to it sooner or later.

Anyway looking forward to seeing how things develop. Very much enjoying the ride. :D
a. Yes, the Sublime Porte doesn't want to push its luck or bring down the Qutlughids when it's already dealing with internal problems, but more on that later.
b. Tobacco is grown in Canada, actually. I imagine the discover of the Carolina lowlands will cause a mass settlement there, and any French or Spanish colonies in the area will be crushed for sweet, sweet, jachaing.
c. That he has. It will be....something.
d. I think the Incas will stay independent, Pizzaro winning is such a fluke it's kind of annoying to see it repeated in so many TLs.
e. Funny you should say that I'm working on the build-up to the Reformation right now.
Your SI should keep both Persia and Ottomans as weak as possible.Difficult task.
America - Aztecs would be conqered by anybody,but other polities,like Tlascallans and Tarascans was smarter.Later regullary massacred any Aztec army send against them - becouse they fought to kill,not take alive and butcher later.

P.S about Poland - Mazovia was still independent,and becouse their gentry was numerous and poor,they,after being part of Poland/1526/ get easily corrupted and helped change Poland from republic into oligarchy.
It would be better,if Mazovia remained independent state.
Interesting thing - after 1066 many saxons from England come there,and althought they quickly become poles,Mazovia crest is
still Wyvern - crest of Wessex kingdom.
Pity,that you could not use that in your story.All saxons descendents arleady forgotten their roots/mostly - gentry using Korab crest still belived,that their ancestor comed from England after defeating sea monster.
This isn't an SI.
 
Part XXIX: The Sons of Alexander (1477-1506)

Eparkhos

Well-known member
Part XXIX: The Sons of Alexander (1477-1506)
Or, how not to raise the heirs to the throne.

The House of Komnenos had nearly gone extinct during the early 13th Century, when its male lineage had been reduced to Alexios and David Megalos Komnenos. However, after the establishment of the Trapezuntine Empire it had rebounded considerably, gaining a reputation for fecundity and beauty that spread far beyond the bounds of their realm. The most recent generation of rulers had been no exception to this, and by the turn of the 16th century there were more Megalo-Komnenoi then ever before. In fact, the Komnenoi were presented with a rare problem for eastern dynasties[1]; there were too many legitimate men….

Branches had begun to spread from the ancestral tree since the mass executions and blindings of the anarchic 1340s. The majority of the Komnenoi were descendants of Alexios III (r.1349-1390), although there was a distant Italian branch that had been founded by a son of Ioannes III who fled into exile in Genoa. This branch, the Comnino family, would eventually wind up as doges of Savona. However, these were far enough removed to be mostly irrelevant. The Alexian line then split after Manouel III, who had two sons, Alexios and Manouel. Alexios became emperor, while Manouel traveled to Morea, where he took up service as a cavalrymen. By 1500, he had a dozen living descendants in Morea and Boeotia, several of them landed pronoiai. One of these, Andronikos, would emigrate to New England in 1503, becoming the first Greek to die in the western hemisphere.

The Trapezuntine imperial line really began to splinter with Alexios IV. Alexios had three sons, Ioannes IV, Alexandros I and David, who all in turn had children. Ioannes’ only male child, Alexios, was born in 1445 and would die in 1506, and had married a Lazic noblewomen named Maria of Kapnanion, and in turn had six children, of whom three would live to adulthood. Among these were two sons, Ioannes (b.1466 d.1533) and Nikephoros (b.1472), who would in turn have children. David’s two sons[2], Basileios (b.1451 d.1509) and Manouel (b.1456 d.1518) both had sons of their own as well, bringing the number of Ioannes’ grandson and great-grandsons, barring the Alexandrian line, to eight. None of these cousins would reach particularly high status, but they all had at least a semi-valid claim to the throne.

As previously mentioned, Alexandros I had two sons, Alexios and Sabbas. They are best known for their struggle for a throne neither of them would live to sit upon, but the two brothers did have a great deal of dynastic importance. Sabbas had one posthumous daughter, Anna, who would be forced into a monastery after her father’s death and, taking a note from her forebearer of the same name, wrote a history of her grandfather’s and cousins’ reigns. She died in 1544 at the age of seventy-five, the longest-lived of Alexandros’ grandchildren. Of considerably more importance are the children of Alexios, the elder brother. As we know, Alexios’ eldest son, Alexandros, became Alexandros II in 1469 and ruled in his own right from 1474. His children, being the offspring of a sitting aftokrator, will be covered later. However, Alexios also had other children, namely Basileios (b.1463) and Anna (b.1466).

Basileios married Maria Palaiologina, daughter of Andreas Palaiologos, in 1487. This was done in an attempt to secure an alliance between the two chief Greek states after the decline of Venetian power in the region, but unfortunately no alliance ever came of it. The Palaiologians were wracked with a period of intrigue following Andreas’ death in 1489, and upon the succession of Konstantinos to the Morean throne he disowned his hated sister, essentially leaving the alliance worthless. However, it appears that Basileios and Maria truly loved each other, for they vigorously resisted any of the proposed divorces that floated around the court in the early 1490s. The marriage produced five children (Alexios, Maria, Andreas, Alexeia, Sophia)[3], of which only two, Andreas and Sophia, would live to adulthood. Basileios himself was a fairly unremarkable man, spending most of his time drinking or engaged in polo or wrestling. His only accomplishment of note was his botching of the embassy to Krakow in 1503, after which he faded into obscurity and died sometime in the 1510s.

Anna was married in 1483 to the Prince of Novgorod-Slusky, Vasily II the Mute. She was a constant presence in Nizhny Novgorod, helping to introduce Pontic culture and art into the distant lands of the Russias. She gave birth to a number of children, among them five sons. One of these was the famed tsar, Aleksandr I, but her tutelage of her sons and Aleksandr’s eminent career is beyond the scope of the story[4]. After a long and hopefully fulfilling life, she died in 1543 at the age of 78.

Of course, that brings us to the children of Alexandros and Martha. The marriage was quite fecund, and despite the distant kinship between them no sign of genetic defect was apparent. There were a grand total of six prophrygenitoi[5] born to the Imperial couple, Alexios (b.1477), Martha the Younger (b.1479), Theodoros (b.1480), Eirene (b.1482), Ioannes (b.1483) and Romanos (b.1485). Unfortunately, Theodoros was stillborn, and Ioannes died of an unknown disease in 1491. However, in terms of medieval child mortality rates, four out of six is an almost shocking survival rate. With Alexandros busy attending to the affairs of state, Martha and her appointees effectively raised the Imperial children in isolation. The ‘other aftokrator’ was one of her unflattering nicknames, and she was as equally strict a parent as she had been iron-willed as an empress consort. From the time they could walk, the princes and princesses were never unsupervised, although Martha was pain-staking in making sure that they were never spoiled. This took the form of beatings for any transgression, random beatings for slights which they had performed in secret (a tall task for a five-year old under constant watch) and being locked into a darkened wine cellar to think about the eternal damnation that awaited them if they so much as thought about sinning. The lives of the princes in particular were bleak, being woken before dawn, ‘bathed’ in the crashing surf, then paraded between tutors and priests for the next fifteen hours before being put to bed by an armed guard. Their only breaks were two-hour sessions of shifting mounds of dirt back and forth between two mounds in one of the palace gardens twice a day. Supposedly, this was so miserable that one of his minders caught a young Alexios muttering that he hoped for an Ottoman victory in the ongoing siege, because it couldn’t possibly be worse. For this, the young boy was whipped.

The only relief for the young princes were journeys away from Trapezous with their father, who took Alexios and Romanos on semi-frequent riding and hunting expeditions, as well as occasional inspections of bandons. Whether or not the aftokrator was aware of the abuse being levied upon his sons is unknown, and if he did, whether he was intimidated by his battleaxe of a consort or if he agreed with her methods is also unknown. However, this strange dichotomy between loving father and tyrannical mother would explain some of the stranger tendencies exhibited by Alexios upon his ascension to the throne.

In spite of her cruel methods, it cannot be denied that Martha got results. By the age of twelve, both of the princes were proficient in Greek (both classical and Pontic), Latin and French, the former which were the chief language of Europe and the upcoming lingua latina[6], respectively. They were also capable students in math and the sciences, although this took the form of rote memorization rather than the creativity and encouragement of the modern classroom, as even the slightest mistake would get them severely beaten. They were also (seemingly) devout, well-versed in theology, biblical quotes, and scriptural analysis, although these too were born out of fear rather than any real piety. They were frequently trotted out before visiting foreigners as a sign of Trapezuntine stability and legitimacy, although, as a Spanish ambassador noted in 1490, “They look pale and wretched, as if street urchins had been abducted and dressed in Imperial robes….it is altogether disconcerting.”

As the two princes matured, Martha increased her vigilance, instituting a system of double guards so that a sole minder could not become overly-attached to or, even worse, soft on either of the boys. However, they were permitted to associate with outsiders for the first time in their lives, with closely-inspected visits with the children of prominent courtiers. However, little ever came of this, as neither of the princes were able to develop lasting relationships with either of them, partly because Martha was deathly afraid of sodomites and so scrutinized the reports of any meetings, having any child she deemed as too friendly sent aware at best and imprisoned at worst. Alexios in particular had troubles, developing a pattern of lavishing praise and affection upon a new potential friend, then turning against them at the slightest insult and attacking them. In 1489, Alexios appealed to his father and won the right to daily rides. He, along with several escorts, would range through the wilds for hours on end, anything to get away from the overbearing presence of his mother and her stooges. During these rides, Alexios was seen to speak to horse, which wasn’t especially concerning, and trees, which was. Indeed, he even began speaking to a fir which he passed by every day as ‘Isaakios’, which his guards found more than a little unnerving.

In 1494, Alexios married Françoise of Berry (b.1472), the sister of Charles VIII of France. The marriage had been a difficult one to arrange, which had required the concerted effort of the Trapezuntine diplomatic corps to arrange and which took five years to complete, from the betrothal first being made to the actual wedding occurring, in French-aligned Naples. Françoise was a deeply pious woman, who spent more time in prayer than she did anything else, and the two seemed to have much in common. However, upon returning to Trapezous, Alexios effectively ignored his wife, spending most of his time out riding through the countryside. This left poor Françoise alone with only the small number of servants she had brought with her from France[7], and she soon refused to speak with Alexios, who doesn’t seem to have notices. The two passed a decade in marriage having only shared a bed twice, both on the voyage back to Trapezous.

Romanos seems to have had the opposite marriage, marrying Tamar of Kartvelia (b.1488) in 1502. The two spent all of their time together, with Romanos seeking his wife’s approval and guidance in every matter, regardless of its true importance. He refused to be separated from her, which drove Tamar to the brink of madness. In 1504, she had a nervous breakdown and took holy orders to escape her husband, requiring guards to be stationed at the doors of her convent to keep Romanos from pestering her. This whole affair became the subject of great ridicule, with multiple anonymous obscene poems surviving to the present day. The most famous of these states that Alexios was a sodomite and that they would all be better off if Romanos had been one as well. It’s likely that Martha the Younger and Eirene had similar problems, but as they were shipped off to Poland and Moldova (respectively), we can’t be sure.

The strange behaviour of his children and the increasingly domineering nature of his wife, who was attempting to micromanage the affairs of her husband now that her children had escaped her grasp, took a heavy toll on Alexandros. The aftokrator had by now spent nearly three decades on the throne and had become deeply tired of life, probably experiencing a midlife crisis. His own mortality was increasingly present in Alexandros’ everyday life, the sharpest reminders coming with the death of Alexios Mgeli in 1500 and his mother, the Dowager Queen Keteon, in 1502. Mgeli had been born all the way back in 1427, and had spent most of his life in service to the empire in one way or the other[8], and his absence from his once-familiar post in one of the wings of court cast a shadow over Alexandros. The death of his mother, who had been a pillar of his life ever since that fateful day at Kapnanion, shook him to his core, and the aftokrator withdrew into himself, spending a great deal of time in seclusion. He was tired of ruling, and just wanted to be done with it all. But he couldn’t just abdicate; Alexios and Romanos were both morons who would run the country into the ground. He began pouring over the Bible and other texts, looking for a way out of his labyrinth. Then, in late 1505, he found it.

On the morning of March 15, 1506, Alexandros strode into court two hours late. The courtiers, who had been nervously awaiting the aftokrator rose to greet him. Alexandros, who smelled strongly of wine, fired a pistol into the air and shouted for them all to shut up. He went on a long, invective-laced rant about the moral failings of the various characters of court. He was disgusted by them in every way, and had only stayed in Trapezous as long as he had because the sea was too rough to sail. He concluded his speech by telling all of them that he hoped they were raped to death by Turkmen, named one of his nephews[9], Nikephoros, his heir apparent, then abdicated, effective immediately. Alexandros then walked out, straight to a waiting galley, and set out for Tmutarakan, never to return….

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[1] I forgot what I was going to write here

[2] Historically he had three sons, but here he was blinded and sent into exile, so George was never born.

[3] There was a long text I was going to put here about Byzantine naming conventions, but I’m too tired.

[4] Although I will note that the famous “Volga” anecdote is quite characteristic. Upon being told by several of his subordinates that Volga Novgorod (as Nizhny Novgorod was renamed) was too close to the frontier to serve as a capital, he laughed and said “The only thing to fear about the frontiers is that I may run out of them.” He then had them killed.

[5] There are no reports of a Trapezuntine Purple Chamber, but with how incredibly rich they all were, I figure they probably built a replica

[6] TTL’s Lingua franca

[7] Françoise refused to convert to Orthodoxy, and so was ostracized by the Trapezuntine court. There was a nasty rumor she spent more time with her confessor than she did with her husband, which was true, but not in that sense.

[8] Mgeli was, canonically, the last person born before the PoD.

[9] The Komnenoi never had a codified succession law, as evidenced by the AIMA prophecy, so this was perfectly legal.
 
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stevep

Well-known member
Ugh that sounds like a nightmare and I can understand the statement of the young Alexios during the seige. Martha sounds like she couldn't have done more to damage the dynasty than if she was intent on the purpose. Alexandros's final day in power won't help as it sounds like he's very disturbed to put it mildly. So we have two 'heirs' who do seem totally unfit to rule but are the sons of the king and probably also will be supported by their mother and a nephew who I can't see mentioned in the above chapter but could be wrong.

Unless Nikephoros is a son of Anna, which would give connections to what sounds like a powerful but somewhat deranged 'Russian' emperor, with both pluses and negatives is he a child of one of Martha's siblings as I can't see him anywhere else in the people mentioned above? It sounds like the empire is in for some 'interesting times'. Hopefully not for too long or too destructive as its position is still somewhat fragile.

Steve

PS In response to your reply thanks. I hadn't realised that tobacco was a crop so far north. Normally associated with Virginia [OTL one that is ;) ] and further south. Looking forward to seeing what you come up with on the other points.
 

CastilloVerde

Active member
He concluded his speech by telling all of them that he hoped they were raped to death by Turkmen, named one of his nephews[9], Nikephoros, his heir apparent, then abdicated, effective immediately. Alexandros then walked out, straight to a waiting galley, and set out for Tmutarakan, never to return….
o_O
Can you say civil war? I hope that Nikephoros is half as competent as Alexandros. Of course, with so many family members there will probably be a civil war that would make the War of the Roses seem like a soap opera.

Anyway, I imagine a legend starting in Trapezous that says that one day Alexandros will return and save Trapexous from any more succession crises.

Excellent chapter, though, one of the best ones so far especially with character development. Keep it up, there's some ominous foreshadowing here.
 

ATP

Well-known member
Poor Alexandros.But he was true saint that he do not did it earlier.Orthodox should canonize him.
P.S Poor Poland and Moldova,too.I see their next generation of rulers as eithers masohists or sadists.
 

Eparkhos

Well-known member
Ugh that sounds like a nightmare and I can understand the statement of the young Alexios during the seige. Martha sounds like she couldn't have done more to damage the dynasty than if she was intent on the purpose. Alexandros's final day in power won't help as it sounds like he's very disturbed to put it mildly. So we have two 'heirs' who do seem totally unfit to rule but are the sons of the king and probably also will be supported by their mother and a nephew who I can't see mentioned in the above chapter but could be wrong.

Unless Nikephoros is a son of Anna, which would give connections to what sounds like a powerful but somewhat deranged 'Russian' emperor, with both pluses and negatives is he a child of one of Martha's siblings as I can't see him anywhere else in the people mentioned above? It sounds like the empire is in for some 'interesting times'. Hopefully not for too long or too destructive as its position is still somewhat fragile.

Steve

PS In response to your reply thanks. I hadn't realised that tobacco was a crop so far north. Normally associated with Virginia [OTL one that is ;) ] and further south. Looking forward to seeing what you come up with on the other points.
Nikephoros isn't related to the Anna who went to Russia.

o_O
Can you say civil war? I hope that Nikephoros is half as competent as Alexandros. Of course, with so many family members there will probably be a civil war that would make the War of the Roses seem like a soap opera.

Anyway, I imagine a legend starting in Trapezous that says that one day Alexandros will return and save Trapexous from any more succession crises.

Excellent chapter, though, one of the best ones so far especially with character development. Keep it up, there's some ominous foreshadowing here.
Nikephoros....isn't. Your second point brings up an interesting idea, though maybe there'll be a Pontic Perkin Warbeck in a few decades.
Poor Alexandros.But he was true saint that he do not did it earlier.Orthodox should canonize him.
P.S Poor Poland and Moldova,too.I see their next generation of rulers as eithers masohists or sadists.
Alexandros definitely was a patient man, but he wasn't especially pious, and so I doubt he'd be canonized. Your comment about mentally-ill rulers is foreshadowing, though....
 
Part XXX: The Brief Reign of Nikephoros I (1506-1507)

Eparkhos

Well-known member
Part XXX: The Brief Reign of Nikephoros I (1506-1507)

The sudden abdication of Alexandros II in 1506 sent Trapezous and the Trapezuntine court reeling. The aftokrator had presided over more than two decades of stability during a period of intense court politics and foreign diplomacy after the siege of 1485, and many believed that he would continue doing so for another decade, at least. As such, none but the most paranoid and cautious of the courtly schemers had made plans for the aftokrator’s surprise abdication, and even fewer of these had considered that it would be neither of his sons who took his place but instead an obscure nephew. The coming times would be interesting, and not just in the Chinese sense….

Of course, when unexpected events strike, those who are best in a position to exploit them are those who had already made contingency plans for them. In the above mentioned case, the only court figure who had considered the possibility of Nikephoros ascending to the throne--as well as every other male member of the Imperial family, and then some--was a woman named Anastasia Katsarina. Katsarina had been born into the ranks of a minor merchant family from Sinope in 1472, shortly after the return of Trapezuntine control. Unfortunately, the Katsaroi had been bankrupted when their entire mercantile fleet (an old cog and a small galley; they were a minor trading family, after all) was burned in the Ottoman attack on Sinope in 1485. The Katsaroi had then picked up stakes and moved to Trapezous, where it was hoped that a revival in the family fortunes would occur. It did, in a way, because in the 1490s, Anastasia became a hetaira[1] in the Imperial court. This brought her into close proximity (heh) with a number of prominent noblemen, and within a few months she had turned to the far riskier but far more profitable business of information dealing. Throughout the 1490s, she was able to construct a network of informants--mostly prostitutes and servants, but also a handful of impoverished nobles and aides--throughout the court, which allowed her to gather information on the goings-on of the darker corners of the palace practically at will. An anonymous poet noted around 1498 that “Upon an agreement being made in secret, three parties know of it; the former two being those who conducted it and the third being the Universal Spider[2].” This, of course, made her both a loose end to be tied up and an indispensable information (and thus power) broker to many courtesans, often at the same time, and so Katsarina was forced to have contingency plans for any occurance to keep her head upon her shoulders. This eventually paid off with the sudden accession of Nikephoros I, for which she was the only figure prepared to shift to make the best of this new ruler.

It is often said, and probably true, that Anastasia Katsarina was more prepared for the beginning of Nikephoros’ reign than Nikephoros was. The aftokrator’s nephew[3] was on a hunting trip in the Pontic mountains when Alexandros abdicated, and it took several days for a dispatch from Trapezous to track down the aftokrator at an isolated hunting lodge in the eastern foothills. Upon being informed that he was now the aftokrator, Nikephoros initially dismissed it as a failed joke, and told the courier that he should be more careful and not deliver treasonous messages. After several hours, he was finally convinced to at least return to Trapezous and, upon returning to the capital, was shocked to be greeted by a cheering crowd, who hailed him as Nikephoros I. Supposedly in a state of shock, Nikephoros was crowned as aftokrator that afternoon by Basileios II, the Patriarch of Pontos, in the Trapezuntine Agia Sophia, and retired to his chambers in an isolated wing of the palace to mull things over.

Nikephoros, it is important to understand, was far from a good candidate for the throne. He was a quiet and unambitious man, a member of the Imperial bureaucracy who occasionally went out for hunts with his cousins but otherwise was effectively a non-entity as dynastic matters were concerned. In 1494 he had married a Lazic woman named Eirene of Oph[4], a quiet and timid woman, whom he appears to have married out of love, an exceedingly rare occurrence for a nobleman during the Renaissance. The marriage had produced only a single daughter, Alexeia (b.1498) and several unfortunate stillborn pregnancies. Most importantly, Nikephoros, outside of his surname, had no connections to the traditional aristocracy whatsoever, which made his rule tenuous at best and doomed to failure at worst.

After a great deal of consideration, it finally dawned upon Nikephoros that he was now the aftokrator, and that even if he abdicated now then there would still be a target on his back because he was one of the scarce few who had managed to sit upon the throne that so many lusted after. However, he never made the change in character, the adoption of the certain ruthlessness that is needed to stay in power once you have gained it. His first mistake was to refuse to treat with Katsarina, even after his advisors hastily informed him of the great deal of power she held in court. In Nikephoros’ mind, it would be wrong for him, a married man, to have anything to do with a courtesan such as her, and so he willingly cut himself off from a potentially vital source of support. His second, and most egregious, mistake was to allow Alexandros’ sons to go free. Nikephoros, it appears, felt guilty for displacing the two poor men from what he considered to be their birthright, and so refused to heap the further misfortune of imprisonment or blinding upon them. This flew in the face of both common sense and the special unspoken rules of Byzantine and Byzantine-derived courts, which stated quite plainly that any rival claimants needed to be done away with, be it by blinding, tonsuring, imprisonment or straight murder, as quickly as possible. Nikephoros either could not bring himself to do this or believed that they simply didn’t pose a threat; After all, Alexios was, to all appearances, insane, and Romanos was almost comically indecisive.

After taking office, the new emperor went about continuing the policies of Alexandros, especially in regards to foreign alliances. He spent most of his time focused on diplomacy, by which he neglected the eternally festering court and its politics, as well as the feelings of the army and the bandons, by which he might have been able to preserve his rule indefinitely. Remember, the survival of any Trapezuntine regime rested upon three pillars--the army, the church and the court. The church, for the most part, backed the deeply pious Nikephoros, and had the aftokrator been able to rally the army to his cause, he could have easily clung to power for much longer than he truly did. That Nikephoros barely altered the policies of his predecessor leads to the obvious conclusion that he was an empty shirt, albeit one with the presence of mind not to abandon a well-function system on a whim. This view of him is furthered by his lack of decisive action against the schemers and intriguers of the Trapezuntine court. Alexandros had allowed the managed chaos to exist, because he viewed it as a way to knock down any budding rivals through clandestine means. Nikephoros, it appears, allowed it it continue to exist for no apparent reason. All in all, it seems that Nikephoros was an unimaginative but decent ruler, the sort of monarch whose reign would be glossed over in most history books barring some unforeseen disaster.

The surprise ascension of Nikephoros had left the court divided into two factions. The first had banked heavily on the ascension of Alexios following his father’s death or abdication, and so they had a great deal of invested interest in installing him upon the Imperial throne. The second party were those who were willing to work with Nikephoros, seeing an opportunity to increase their own power at the expense of a weak monarch. The leader of this second faction was one Konstantinos Romanou, and exiled westerner who had managed to work his way up into the nobility with a great deal of murder and blackmail. Romanou had managed to set himself up as an information broker similar to Katsarina. Her spurning by the aftokrator in mid-1506 had placed the ‘Universal Spider’ decisively in the former camp, and so throughout 1506 and into 1507 the two intriguers and their many supporters were having it out in the darkened halls of the palace. Nikephoros, of course, remained willfully ignorant of all of this, because he believed that if he became aware of a murder plot or something similar and failed to stop it, no matter the realpolitik impacts of it, it would count against his soul on God’s ledger. A noble belief, to be sure, but the kind of belief held by nobles.

These events culminated in August 1507. Alexios Katsaros, Katsarina’s half-brother, was a merchant of middling repute in Trapezous, having succeeded in reviving the Katsaros family name in the mercantile currents of the Black Sea. One night, shortly after one of Romanou’s chief lieutenants had been poisoned, a small group of mercenaries broke into Katsaros’ home. They abducted the poor merchant and tortured him for several days, trying to discover some incriminating evidence they could use against his sister. To his credit, Katsaros refused to give up anything for several days of agony, but finally broke down and confessed that his sibling had been involved in a plot against the aftokrator’s life. This was false, but by that point the poor wretch was willing to say anything to get the pain to stop. This information was relegated to Romanou, who at once set out to inform Nikephoros, who was at that time at a hunting lodge in the western mountains. However, Katsarina was also informed of her brother’s death and, furious, made plans for Romanou himself to be axed. A few nights later, Romanou and his retinue arrived in an inn near Sinope. They went to bed suspecting nothing, only for the building itself to explode less than an hour after their arrival. This was attributed to a great deal of manure stored in the building’s basement, and Romanou’s death was written off as an unfortunate accident. Katsarina was now the uncontested power broker of the court.

Alexios, throughout all of this, had remained in court, seemingly ignoring the potential danger to his own life and freedom. As before, he remained primarily engaged in riding out in the wilds beyond the city, with his social experiences consisting mostly of talking to himself and occasionally having violent seizures, neither of which were traits that made him an ideal ruler. However, there were a great number of noblemen who had invested a great deal of time and money into winning them to their side and so there was still a potential candidacy for him. There were also some hardliners who believed that the throne was his by right, as Alexandros had ignored centuries of succession precedents to cover up for his own failings in neglecting the rearing of his heirs. However, support for his cause was limited by the general public opinion being that he was crazy. This was not true, Alexios was (mostly) fine. He genuinely disliked human contact, but the general insanity, such as randomly convulsing or having nervous breakdowns upon being exposed to certain types of fruit, were all an act. Alexios was fully aware that he was a loose end that would be tied up even a semi-competent ruler, and as such he had adopted the mannerisms of a lunatic so as to not appear threatening. Even as Nikephoros seemed to ignore him, Alexios retained this healthy dose of paranoia and kept up the act. However, he also maintained his own network of spies and informants, albeit under the guise of his secretary, Andronikos Ralleis Kantakouzenos, and as such remained quite aware of ongoing trends in the court. He used this to maneuver himself into a position to advance his claim to the throne, in spite of his outward appearance of retardation.

In November 1507, Alexios spoke to Katsarina, a momentous occasion for such a reclusive man. A few weeks previous, Nikephoros had finally stirred from his stupor, and had ordered the arrest of a priest named Basileios Davidopoulos for insulting the monarchy. Basileios had been the only one of Alexios’ childhood tutors to show even an ounce of kindness to the poor boy, Alexios had clung to him dearly. He had been the closest thing to a mentor and advocate for the prince in court, and when Nikephoros had repeated the common insult that Alexios liked horses, Davidopoulos flew into a rage and snapped at him, for which he was arrested. His ward was quite angry at this, but also feared that this would lead to Nikephoros arresting him. Katsarina was more than a little shocked to have the prince, who normally spoke through intermediaries due to his hatred for human contact, speak to her directly, but was willing to listen to his proposition. As Alexios said, the two had a shared interest in getting him upon the throne. Alexios’ interest is quite obvious, but Katsarina’s is slightly less so. Alexios had correctly guessed that her ultimate desire was to keep a firm grip on power, for which she would need to be an active member of the sitting regime or at the very least tied to it in such a way that she could not easily be foisted out. For a woman in this time period, the only position that she could aim for that wouldn’t leave her as disposable (at least in the Orthodox world) was as aftokratorissa, the wife of the sitting ruler. Alexios promised that if Katsarina leveraged her considerable network to help him get into power, they would marry, thus securing her her desired hold on power and Alexios his desired support of the court. Neither of them found the other especially attractive or even pleasant to be around, but the proposed power-sharing agreement was acceptable to the both of them. And so, the plot against Nikephoros began in earnest.

Of course, it isn’t exactly easy to stage a coup, and before Nikephoros could be dethroned a great deal of planning was needed. The court was fairly solidly under Katsarina’s control, but the court alone was not enough to overthrow a sitting monarch. The church was firmly in Nikephoros’ corner, and this left the army as the final potential column that could be knocked out from under the sitting regime. The army had remained uninvolved in court politics during Alexandros II’s long reign, but many of them had expressed discontent with the abdication of their veteran commander in favor of a literal who. Nikephoros had since done little to earn their loyalty, having refused to call out the bandons to defend the frontier from Turkmen raiders in 1507. As such, while many of them were skeptical of giving Alexios power over anything, several of the higher-ranking officers were willing to help install a new aftokrator. Chief among these was Mikhael Kantakouzenos Philanthropenos, who was on the verge of retiring at the age of seventy-three. Alexios chose to reveal his ruse to Philanthropenos, which proved to be all that was needed to convince him to join his cause. With Philanthropenos would surely come a sizeable chunk of the army, as he was well-respected as a wise and capable commander.

However, they couldn’t just march on the capital. The eleutheroi had, just as Alexandros I had intended, remained completely apolitical and fiercely loyal to the throne. Any Trapezuntine rebels would have to fight through them to get through the aftokrator, in which case they could very easily be defeated. Instead, they needed to attack Nikephoros while he was without the protection of his guards. This opportunity came in the autumn of 1507. Nikephoros had remained completely unaware of the brewing plot against him, and so when in October 1507 word began to spread across the court of a legendary, almost mythical, really, albino stag spotted near Kapnanion, he at once rushed out to go hunting. He traveled only with a handful of eleutheroi and his usual hunting companions. On 26 November , Nikephoros and his party rode into the interior along a narrow, winding road. Here, Alexios, Philanthropenos and three Alexian bandons were lying and wait, and as soon as Nikephoros and his party passed by them, they rushed out and fell upon them. Taken by surprise, the eleutheroi were quickly overwhelmed, and Nikephoros was summarily executed. Alexios and Philanthropenos then marched back to Trapezous, with Nikephoros’ head on a pike.

With their nominal leader’s head no longer attached to his body, the eleutheroi accepted the coup as a fait accompli and allowed Alexios to enter the capital. The church, of course, protested, but it’s not like they had an army to resist, and after a few hours of soldiers drilling outside of the Hagia Sophia, Patriarch Basileios II reluctantly followed the guardsmen’s lead. On 1 December, 1507, Alexios Alexandropoulos Megas Komnenos was crowned as Alexios V of the Trapezuntine Empire. A few hours later, Alexios V married Anastasia Katsarina, who was then invested as co-empress. Alexios then had a dozen people arrested and executed for treason, including Martha, and several dozen more blinded and exiled, including his own brother and two cousins. This was both incredibly ironic for a blatant usurper as well as an ominous hint of the shape of things to come.

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[1] This is a nice way of saying courtesan, which in turn is a nice way of saying prostitute.
[2] The Greek form of this is ‘O Katholikos Arakhne’, or in its Anglicized version, ‘The Catholic Arachnae’. I just find that amusing.
[3] ‘Nephew’ was a term bestowed upon all male relatives of the sitting emperor to within four degrees of affinity, regardless of their actual relation. In truth, Nikephoros was a distant cousin of Alexandros II.
[4] Oph is actually home to the largest Greek-speaking population in Turkey in OTL.
 
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stevep

Well-known member
That is the basic problem at this time period, or possibly any. Nikephoros sounds like basically a decent and moral man which when it comes to power is often a threat to themselves and the realm/state.

Thanks for clarifying on the broader meaning of nephew here.

That last half sentence suggests that the interesting times are just beginning.:(

Loving the footnotes.:)
 

Eparkhos

Well-known member
That is the basic problem at this time period, or possibly any. Nikephoros sounds like basically a decent and moral man which when it comes to power is often a threat to themselves and the realm/state.

Thanks for clarifying on the broader meaning of nephew here.

That last half sentence suggests that the interesting times are just beginning.:(

Loving the footnotes.:)
Thanks. Do you have any critisim (constructive or otherwise)? I'm not quite certain I did the best I could on this section, and I'd like to revise it if I need to before I post it to AH.com
 

CastilloVerde

Active member
Interesting chapter indeed. I'm shocked that Alexios V is a shady person. I don't think he would last long as monarch though. I doubt the Church supports him and the court only supports him because of his equally shady new wife.
Alexios V married Anastasia Katsarina, who was then invested as co-empress. Alexios then had a dozen people arrested and executed for treason, including Martha, and several dozen more blinded and exiled, including his own brother and two cousins. This was both incredibly ironic for a blatant usurper as well as an ominous hint of the shape of things to come.
For some reason, I think Anastasia will betray Alexios for another usurper as soon as a better candidate is available. She, with all her connections, is very valuable to the throne.
 

CastilloVerde

Active member
Thanks. Do you have any critisim (constructive or otherwise)? I'm not quite certain I did the best I could on this section, and I'd like to revise it if I need to before I post it to AH.com
I'm not @stevep but I noticed something odd:
These events culminated in December 1507. Alexios Katsaros, Katsarina’s half-brother, was a merchant of middling repute in Trapezous, having succeeded in reviving the Katsaros family name in the mercantile currents of the Black Sea.
In November 1507, Alexios spoke to Katsarina, a momentous occasion for such a reclusive man.
On 1 October, 1507, Alexios Alexandropoulos Megas Komnenos was crowned as Alexios V of the Trapezuntine Empire. A few hours later, Alexios V married Anastasia Katsarina
The timeline of events appears to go back in time here, so you might want to edit this.
 

Eparkhos

Well-known member
I'm not @stevep but I noticed something odd:



The timeline of events appears to go back in time here, so you might want to edit this.
Thanks for the heads up! Alexios is more erratic than he is shady, and this is just part of his continuous pattern of strange behaviour. Katsarina will definitely try and dispose of him as quickly as possible.
 

gral

Well-known member
Alexios then had a dozen people arrested and executed for treason, including Martha, and several dozen more blinded and exiled, including his own brother and two cousins.

Martha, his mother, or Martha, his sister?
 

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