Alternate History ðŸ‡ºðŸ‡¸ November 2, 1976: President Nelson Rockefeller wins election to full 4-year term and the aftermath

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Analysis of the US State/Territory Governorships in the 1986 Midterms (Part VII)

*OHIO

Ohioans were shocked when former four-term Ohio Governor Jim Rhodes announced his candidacy on seeking the Governorship again. Incumbent Ohio Governor Dick Celeste and the Ohio Democrats delicately balanced hitting Rhodes, often referring to him as "Part of the generation of Ohio Politics in the past" and "Turning the Page on the Past". As the campaign wore on, key segments of Ohioans were incensed by Celeste's controversial campaign attacks and despite polling surveys showing Celeste leading by double digits, the incumbent Democratic Governor's lead in the polls steadily faded and faded, resulting in a shocking major upset victory by Rhodes, who secured an unprecedented fifth term.

*OKLAHOMA (Open)
Former United States Senator and former Oklahoma Governor
Henry Bellmon defeated political newcomer, David Walters in a very close election with 48 percent of the statewide vote. Walters told reporters he intends to seek the Governorship again in 1990: it's unknown whether Bellmon will seek reelection to a historic third term in four years.

*OREGON (Open)
Former US Transportation Deputy Secretary
Neil Goldschmidt held off former Oregon Secretary of State Norma Paulus inside the Beaver State: Goldschmidt is viewed as one of the rising stars of the Democratic Party and a potential contender for either the United States Senate or the Presidency in the future.

COMING UP IN CHAPTER 22 OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC: Part VIII of the Analysis of the US State/Territory Governorships in the 1986 Midterm elections.

How in the world did Celeste lose to Rhodes ?
 
Chapter 23: Springtime for George (Spring 1987: I) New
Chapter 23: Springtime for George
Wednesday, 14 January 1987
OT_Bush-1987Bush1_1724638_1920x1080.jpg

...."with several more years left in this administration. There's lots more to do: more foreign policy challenges facing America and the world. Diplomacy balanced with strong and overwhelming military might in our Armed Forces and making sure that all Americans get to experience the American Dream. We're getting quite close towards the conclusion, and you might ask: "What will your second full term look like?"
-President
George Herbert Walker Bush Special Interview: 14 January 1987

The Democratic majorities that the Democrats enjoyed in both houses of Congress would've been considered huge political headaches for any Republican President, but Bush seemed to take it in stride facing the political realities heading into 1987, considering he was also campaigning for reelection to a second full four-year term as the 42nd President of the United States in 1988 and likely facing a growing list of primary challengers. Eager not to be seen as a de-facto lame duck, Bush was getting near cooked goose status due to the fact that Bush's political invincibility was nearing some sort of decline. Having facilitated Weinberger's exit following the 86 Midterms and ensuring Juan Torruella going to the Supreme Court including tapping Anthony Kennedy as well to the Supreme Court, giving the President two Supreme Court Associate Justices being appointed and confirmed by the United States Senate: Bush also caused controversy appointing the controversial Robert Bork as Attorney General, which the lame duck Republican Senate confirmed Bork to run the Justice Department just days after the 86 Midterms.

Bush elected not to shake up the administration for the moment (considering several of the Reagan holdovers were still in their Cabinet positions) instead taking the opportunity to sometimes work with Byrd and Wright on mutual priorities. Indeed, there was a surprising amount of legislative productivity: transportation deregulation and reducing federal government programs, though for starters, overshadowed by the promise of select committees investigating the Syrian/Nicaraguan Contra Scandal, including the administration's economic response.

After some news reporters caught sight of a calm-looking Bush in attendance of Super Bowl XXI, which saw the New York Giants throttling the Denver Broncos 46-20 to win the 1986 Super Bowl Championship (the Giants would go on to win Super Bowl Championships in 1990, 2007 and 2011): Pennsylvanians were somewhat consoled with Penn State's 14-10 defensive victory over the #1 Miami Hurricanes in the 1986 Fiesta Bowl at Sun Devil Stadium in Tempe, Arizona: where the Nittany Lions forced 6 turnovers, it was time to flip the script: the explosive Contras Scandal would escalate for several months, while it damaged Bush's credibility amongst the American people, it didn't damage his political prospects for 1988, the economy continued pushing along with Bushnomics dragging onwards, and Bush, Baker and Regan huddled down at Camp David to discuss the upcoming 1988 reelection campaign including possible avenues they could take on securing legacy-defining victories in the upcoming second full term, mostly in international affairs and foreign policy.

Most people in the world paid more attention to the news of Paraguayan President Major General Jackson Ballasteros naming his wife, First Lady and Vice President Erika Ballasteros as his successor whenever the time came to succeed him to the Presidency; Others watched as Saudi Arabian First Lady Sabdhila Al-Fayheed, the wife of Saudi Arabian President General Jamal Al-Fayheed, gave birth to triplet daughters (punctuated from captivating 60 Minutes exclusive interview on Jamal and Sabdhila, where they discussed their growing family including their love story over the years); Washington DC paid attention to something else: the fact that in less than six years, George Herbert Walker Bush would officially become a lame duck based on the growing consensus that he wouldn't be seeking reelection in 1992. Though his approval ratings crashed downwards following the explosive Syrian/Nicaraguan Contras Scandal, it stayed stagnant while violence and bloodshed in the Venezuelan/Guyanese War continued dragging into 1987 with no diplomatic end in sight, seemed to fizzle somewhat in the early months of the year and the economic picture looked strong with Bushnomics still popular amongst Middle America; the shadow presidential campaign of 1992 had indirectly begun, even though that wouldn't happen until the conclusion of the 1988 Presidential election.
 
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Chapter 23: Mexico: One Year Following Operation Liberation (Spring 1987: II) New
......"I think between the explosive chaos escalating in Nicaragua and the bloodshed in parts of the Americas, you should see the late 1980s was a chaotic time for the Western Hemisphere, yes. Violence was in the air you breathed in places like Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador including Peru was facing violent insurgency problems. We had constant communiques with our counterparts in Costa Rica, we were very worried about violence surrounding our upcoming elections for 1988, and for good reason. I announced that I would mobilize the Mexican Army and National Guard on keeping the peace, and start implementing curfews, mostly to getting ahead of oncoming trouble......"
-Former Mexican President General Guillermo Quiroga: "The Americas in Chaos"
 
Chapter 23: State of the Union Address (Spring 1987: III) New
The State of the Union is Strong: President Bush's Fourth State of the Union Address
Tuesday, 27 January 1987
US House of Representatives Chambers
US Capitol Building
Washington, DC
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On Tuesday evening, 27 January 1987, President Bush delivered his fourth State of the State Address as the 42nd President of the United States, standing before a Joint Session of Congress with a changed political landscape in the final two years of his first full four-year term before the 1988 reelection campaign gears up. The pressure was quite palpable. Although the economy was coasting upwards, there was the obvious specter of rising deficits looming large. Inflation, although under control compared to the dangerous heights of the late 1970s, was slowly becoming a concern. In addition, the Cold War hadn't thawed quite yet due to obvious mistrust, and international tensions with the Soviet Union, Libya and Iraq were simmering below the surface.

Bush opened the 1987 State of the Union Address with tones of optimism, acknowledging the economic successes of recent years (thanks to the success of Bushnomics) while making it very clear that the country's work wasn't done. "My fellow Americans, we stand at the dawn of a new era-a new era where we must face the future with clear and determined hearts as we venture into a new decade."

Bush's message was that the United States had overcome and emerged victorious from one of the worst difficulties in terms of the economic recession, but maintained progress was to require bold action and tough decisions. For President Bush, those decisions began with confronting the growing federal deficit head on, which exploded massively due to years of massive defense spending during the Rockefeller, Holton and Reagan administrations and the successful economic recovery measures of Reaganomics.

Promoting fiscal responsibility was a key major priority for President Bush. 1987's edition of the President's State of the Union Address outlined a comprehensive economic reform package aimed at reducing the federal deficit, curbing inflation, and setting up the stage for long-term stability. He also proposed mix of major spending cuts and tax reforms, arguing that without these measures, the country would face unsustainable debts that could cripple future generations of Americans.

"Let's be honest here. For too long, we have relied on borrowing and filling the gaps between what we can spend and what we can collect. This is unsustainable, it is irresponsible, and it must end right now!"

One of the most controversial elements of this plan in reducing the deficit was Bush's proposal in making huge spending cuts across wide ranges of federal programs (majority of whom all domestic) including defense. While the President remained strongly committed to strong national defense------especially in light of the ongoing Cold War------he also believed that fiscal health was just as critical to national security as military might: economic security is also national security.

"Our security does not solely depend on the strength of our armed forces," Bush said. "It depends on the strength of our economy, on our ability to sustaining prosperity and ensuring that future generations are not burdened by the decisions we're making today." For President Bush, balancing these two priorities were essential. He knew that any cuts to defense spending would be met with strong, fierce opposition from staunch conservative hawks, but Bush also understood reigning in the federal deficit required hard, difficult choices.

Bush also discussed the federal deficit and balancing the federal budget during the speech.

"This 100th Congress has high responsibilities. I begin with a gentle reminder that many of these are simply the incomplete obligations of the past. The American people deserve to be impatient, because we do not yet have the public house in order. We've had great success in restoring our economic integrity, and we've rescued our nation from the worst economic mess since the Depression. But there's more to do. For starters, the Federal deficit is outrageous! For less than three and a half years, I've asked that we stop pushing onto our children the excesses of our government. And what the Congress finally needs to do is pass a constitutional amendment that mandates a balanced budget and forces government to live within its means. States, cities, and the families of America balance their budgets. Why can't we?

Next, the budget process is a sorry spectacle. The missing deadlines and the nightmare of monstrous continuing resolutions packing hundreds of billions of dollars of spending into one bill must be stopped. We ask the Congress once again: Give us the same tool that 43 Governors have------a line-item veto so we can carve out the boondoggles and pork, those items that would never survive on their own. I will send the Congress broad recommendations on the budget, but first I'd like to see yours. Let's go to work and get this done together.

But now let's talk about this year's budget. Even though I have submitted it within the Gramm/Rudman/Hollings deficit reduction target, I have seen suggestions that we might postpone that timetable. Well, I think the American people are tired of hearing the same old excuses. Together we made a commitment to balance the budget. Now let's keep it. As for those suggestions that the answer is higher taxes, the American people have repeatedly rejected that shop-worn advice. They know that we don't have deficits because people are taxed too little. We have deficits because big government spends too much."


When it came to tax reform (one of the administration's economic priorities), Bush's proposal focused on closing tax shelters which allowed large corporations and high-income individuals to avoid paying their fair share. Additionally, Bush sought to revitalizing American industries by offering tax credits to businesses that invested in new technologies, worker job training, and domestic manufacturing.

The focus on reinvigorating American industries was a major part of President Bush's broader strategy to maintain the United States' competitive edge in what was a rapidly globalizing economy. "The future of our economy depends on the strength of American innovation and manufacturing," he said, signaling his commitment of ensuring that American companies wouldn't fall behind in the global marketplace. The President's call for investment in research and development, particularly in high-tech industries like computing and telecommunications, demonstrated his belief that technological innovation would be key to America's long-term economic growth.

The 1987 State of the Union Address was well-received by many inside the Republican Party, especially fiscal conservatives, who had been advocating for deficit reductions. However, the President's proposals sparked strong backlash and controversy, mostly over the defense spending cuts. Diehard defense hawks, like United States Senator Jesse Helms (R-NC), were quick to criticize these reductions, arguing that even modest cuts to military spending would embolden the Soviet Union and seriously jeopardize national security and national defense.

President Bush anticipated backlash over these reductions, but he doubled-down and remained firm, emphasizing that smart, efficient defense spending could maintain military strength while addressing the federal deficit at the same time.
 
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Chapter 23: The Democratic Party Response to President Bush's 1987 State of the Union Address (Spring 1987: IV) New
US HOUSE SPEAKER JIM WRIGHT (D-TX 12TH) DELIVERS THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY RESPONSE TO PRESIDENT BUSH'S STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS
med_res


*Wednesday, 28 January 1987: US House of Representatives Speaker Jim Wright (D-TX 12th) was chosen to deliver the Democratic Party's Response the following evening.

Addressing the nation from the campus of Texas Christian University in Fort Worth, Texas, Speaker Wright offered a stark critique of the Bush administration's economic vision. "While the President speaks of reducing budget deficits, we must ask: At who's expense?"

Wright framed the President's spending cuts as short-sighted, arguing they would place undue burden on working families and the most vulnerable members of society. Wright pointed specifically at the defense spending cuts, while acknowledging that Democrats supported "smart defense spending", but he also expressed concern that Bush's reductions didn't reflect the geopolitical realities of the Cold War. The United States, Wright argued, was still facing significant threats abroad, and weakening the nation's defense posture could have serious consequences.

The sharpest critique from Speaker Wright, was reserved for Bush's tax reform proposals.

Wright accused the administration of catering too much to big business. "The President talks a big game about fairness for the American people," Wright said, "but let's be honest------under this plan, it's still the wealthiest who easily benefit the most from these so-called tax reforms." Democrats believed that Bush's tax cuts for corporations along with the proposed incentives for private investment, would primarily benefit the wealthy and big corporations, continuing the trickle-down economic policies of the Reagan administration.

However, Wright and the Democrats were also careful in not completely everything Bush proposed. Speaker Wright acknowledged the President's focus on domestic manufacturing, stating that both political parties agreed on the need of bolstering American industries. But he also argued that the President's constant reliance on tax credits and corporate incentives wasn't good enough.

"We simply cannot afford to keep rewarding the private sector and hoping for the best," Wright said. "We must invest in our people------our workers, our educators, our innovators." His call was for direct government investment in job training programs, education, and infrastructure, rather than relying on the private sector to drive economic growth.
 
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Chapter 23: Wiki-esque Infobox: Josefa Quintero (First Lady of Colombia) New
Lilliana Cecilia Annette Mosquera de Quintero (13 October 1941-25 June 1979), better known as Josefa Quintero, was a Colombian politician, model, actress and beauty pageant contestant, who served as the First Lady of Colombia from April 1977 until her death in June 1979, as the wife of Colombian President Lieutenant General Seymour Quintero. Born in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, she was educated at the Saint Mary's Women's Academy ana attended the University of Ottawa, where she majored in Public Administration (graduating within three years); Following college, she went into modeling, where she participated in beauty pageants such as Miss Tumaco before participating in the Miss Colombia Pageant, where she was named First Runner-Up and then won the title of Miss International at the age of 20 in 1962, becoming the second Colombian to win the Miss International crown.

Soon afterwards, Josefa began a career in the filming industry as primarily a film actress (sexually erotic movies) and also worked part-time as a model: posing for pictures for magazines such as Mujeres de Colombia and Fiesta del Tumaco. During her tenure as Miss International 1962, she met Colombian Army Colonel Seymour Quintero during a charity event at the University of Narino campus. The two married a year later (following her tenure as Miss International 1962) and would be the parents of six daughters. She also attracted controversy by posing naked for Playboy Magazine in 1963, but the controversy increased her popularity amongst Colombians and internationally. Seymour Quintero would take power in a leftist military coup d'etat against then-Colombian President Alfonso Michelsen in April 1977 and was ultimately reelected to full four-year terms in 1978 and again in 1982; during the next two years, Josefa Quintero would become powerful and influential within the pro-Quintero-Mismo trade unions, primarily speaking on behalf of labor rights and also served as honrary president of the Colombian Institute of Family Welfare, until ill health forced her to withdraw from those duties.

Following a severe, painful battle with cancer, Josefa Quintero died on 25 June 1979 at the Casa de Narino in Bogota at the age of 37. Following a Ceremonial State Funeral at the Primatial Cathedral of Bogota on 14 July 1979, where an estimated 3,573,684 people were in attendance, she was originally entombed at a secret undisclosed location on the Quintero Family Ranch Compound until construction of a permanent mausoleum would be built, which was supposed to be her final resting place. Due to political instability and escalating protests against her husband's administration, Josefa's embalmed body was secretly flown to Belgium, where she was ultimately secretly entombed.


Josefa Quintero
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Josefa Quintero posing naked for Playboy (1963)

First Lady of Colombia
25 April 1977-25 June 1979
President
Proceeded by Cecilia Caballero Blanco
Succeeded by Elisa Claudia Quintero (stepdaughter)

*****Beauty pageant titleholder******
Miss Tumaco 1961
Miss Senorita Colombia First Runner-Up 1961
Miss International 1962
******Personal details******
Born
13 October 1941
Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
Died 25 June 1979 (aged 37)
Casa de Narino
Bogota, Colombia
Resting place Josefa Quintero Great Mausoleum
Specifically: Somewhere in Belgium
Cause of death Cervical cancer
Political party Liberal
Quinteroista Female Party
Spouse Seymour Quintero (m. 1963)
Children 6 daughters
7 stepchildren
 
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Chapter 23: Discontent in the Americas.......Again? (Spring 1987: V) New
Discontent in the Americas...... Again?
Monday, 3 February 1987

......"the government's official position continues to be that while the situation is only temporary for the moment, it's important
that all parties can resolve this crisis in a diplomatic conclusion...."
-Mexican Foreign Affairs Minister Brigadier General Ricardo Elizadle


The wave of strikes that rocked Mexico in the early part of 1987 rivalled those of other nations such as Nicaragua (which instigated the downfall of the Somoza family dictatorship in 1979) and the typical instability in Bolivia with coups and countercoups. Of course, none of these chaotic incidents could not have been timed poorly for Mexican President General Guillermo Quiroga, as the coldest winter in recent history struck the North American country. La Prensa, Mexico's largest tabloid newspaper, went on the attack against the Quiroga administration, running with the headline "Do We Miss Robles Yet?" and it seemed as if Mexico's 59th President was determined to avoid the Televisa news cameras that frequently tried to gather his thoughts from Los Pinos (Residence of the Mexican President). The victory from the 1986 Constitutional Convention election had quickly evaporated more quickly as 1987 began; The National Democratic Front (FDN), the coalition of left-wing political parties created in competing in the upcoming 1988 presidential elections, assumed this would be their chance of ending 59 years of PRI dominance and a third political party, the National Action Party (PAN) began making some inroads as well, with Manuel Clouthier as their choice to become the PAN's nominee for President in the 1988 elections.

Benito Juarez Mayor Hendricks Villanueva, who had been in office since 1975, was gearing up to run for a seat in the Mexican Senate of the Republic in the upcoming 1988 elections but had also considered running for the Governorship and his loyalties to the Robleses caused controversy amongst some segments of the populace in Mexico.

Another was former Michoacan Governor Cuahutemoc Cardenas, who was formerly a member of the PRI and was among those who bolted from the party once Quiroga designated Secretary of Programming and Budget of Mexico, Carlos Salinas de Gotari as his successor in the upcoming 1988 presidential elections. Cardenas and his supporters formed a new political party called the Democratic Current (more on the 1988 Mexican presidential election later in the timeline).

Of course, things weren't just simple; the government's wage policies artificially restricted government employee raises compared to private sector unions, most notably with Bush's aggressive tariffs on Mexican industries and imports as well as the substantial wage hike which helped trigger the wave of strikes in late 1986, and with inflation at all-time highs, following the economic crises of the preceding years, refusing to help workers maintaining their purchasing power would've been a bitter pill for the Quiroga administration to swallow. Quiroga's personal popularity helped buffet the PRI during the difficult year of 1986 following the successful 05.17.86 that resulted in Robles' resignation and forced exile; now, he was held responsible for the slow response to the "Winter of Discontent" and the Liberty Savings and Loan Crisis, and it started to seem as if he was losing his passion for the job, with his timetable of stepping down as President on 1 December 1988 well known. Another challenge facing Quiroga was the dragging Essequibo Civil War between Venezuela and Guyana. Foreign Affairs Minister Elizalde's proposals seemed adrift and unlikely to solve the problem; within Cabinet, debate over how to solve the matter paralyzed the diplomatic response during the critical weeks of January 1987.

It didn't help matters in Mexico that 1987 saw the Quiroga administration experience its first major foreign policy break from the United States, and a surprising one: Nicaragua. The 1979 Cordoba Settlement wasn't quite accepted by many in the Americas, especially when Robles controversially reinstated diplomatic relations with Managua back in July 1979 following the ousting of then-Nicaraguan President Antonio Somoza Debayle. Upon becoming Foreign Minister, Brigadier General Ricardo Elizalde had vowed to maintain that stance. This became more difficult when Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega's FSLN participated in deadly violence and crackdowns against opponents of the Sandinista government: another factor of this came back in 1984, when Ortega won a landslide reelection victory securing a six-year term as President, but allegations of the Bush administration secretly giving military weapons, arms and the like to the Nicaragua Contra Freedom Fighters in their fight against the Ortega government caused backlash from the American people during 1986, which resulted in Republicans losing control of the Senate; Then, there was the leader of the Nicaraguan opposition: Violeta Chamorro, who originally was a former supporter of the Junta before resigning from the Junta and supporting the Contras, which angered Ortega, who personally threatened to place her in prison for 30 years on treason charges.

However, the world was shocked when Panama escalated into chaos once again: Noriega was removed from power and arrested by DEA agents when the disgraced Panamanian dictator tried to escape at the airport, before being extradited to the United States to face drug trafficking charges during the early part of December 1986, and elections were held which resulted in the election of Tomas Martinez as President and his United Freedom Democracy Party into winning control of the National Assembly. UN election observers described it as fair and open despite some violence from a small segment of Noriega supporters, and the White House congratulated Martinez on his reelection victory and on "the peaceful and negotiated settlement that led to free elections and democracy in Panama" and, going even further at a press conference in Mexico City, US Secretary of State
George P. Shultz praised Panama as "an example that proves peaceful and orderly transfer to democracy majority rule is possible anywhere in Central America and the world." Shultz may have spoken in general terms, but the Bush administration had one audience in mind with his choreographed comments: Nicaragua, where Bush was starting to gradually ratchet up the pressure campaign on the Ortega dictatorship to release political prisoners and viewed, along with Shultz and Baker "The Uruguay Model" as being one to end dictatorship and move forward into open, free democratic elections.


 
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Chapter 23: Suriname Decides (Spring 1987: VI) New
Suriname Decides
"Time to make Suriname Great Again!"
-Front for Democracy and Development (1987)


The 1987 Surinamese general elections were the first open and free democratic elections since 1977 when Suriname gained independence in 1975 from the Kingdom of the Netherlands. However, following the impeachment and removal of flamboyant Surinamese President Jorge Hendricks in 1983, there was instability but ultimately replaced by Fred Ramdat Misier (who would serve as the 3rd President of Suriname). Misier would push through constitutional reforms such as the 1987 Constitution, which abolished the position of Prime Minister, replacing it with the elected office of Vice President. Hendricksmania, by 1987, was temporarily over; the Hendricks family had been flamboyant and also been dominating Surinamese politics before, during and after Suriname gained independence, had been rusty and off their political game in terms of influencing the political scene in the South American country.

However, there were problems in the aftermath of the temporary end of Hendricksmania.

The Surinamese economy had been hammered badly by the Economic Recession of 1982 and the recession dragged onwards than perhaps any other country in the Western Hemisphere. Inflation heading into the 1987 elections was deep into double digits, as was unemployment; the Treasury in the prior years had posted its largest deficit since the 1940s and despite ample oil, artificial price controls through Petro-Suriname limited the ability to selling crude at marketing rates, outraging many Surinamese who felt they were being kept in an arbitrary disadvantage. Nationalist sentiment was rising across Suriname in a time during the explosive heights of the Essequibo Civil War between Venezuela and Guyana, where many Surinamese called on the Surinamese Armed Forces (later rebranded as the Surinamese National Army) to get involved in the conflict and eager to placate the nationalist concerns of segments of the populace, President Misier ordered the deployment of Surinamese military troops into the conflict by supporting Venezuela's invasion of Guyana.

It seemed as though that Hendricks' luck would run out in terms of attempting to return from exile in the Netherlands and regain the Presidency. The Junta controlling the government wasn't going to let Hendricks even try to return to Suriname whatsoever and even used diplomatic political threats against several countries from even attempting to encourage the flamboyant Hendricks from even trying to do so.

One particular person campaigning in the 1987 elections was Scott Delveaux of the Partners of Justice and Freedom Party (JFPP), who if elected to the Presidency, at the age of 34, would be the youngest person elected to the office. But he wasn't known for being charismatic and came off as awkward and easily flustered. Suriname's news media reported more aggressively on Delveaux's gaffes than expected, and former Foreign Affairs Minister Lester Weanack, who was running as an Independent, leaned heavily into the economic doldrums, trying to flip them into an advantage in declaring, "There is no time for on-the-job training!"

The aggressive campaign to portray Delveaux as incompetent, inexperienced lightweight was working------the JFPP advantage in the polls shrunk from 13% to neck-and-neck, with a small lead for the WHL-EHL Coalition (the parties who aligned with Weanack's campaign) as the closing days of the campaign was approaching, and the Green Party's bloomlet early during the campaign, quickly collapsed as soon as it began. It seemed as though Weanack (who was really running as a de-facto proxy candidate for Hendricks) was on the verge of snatching victory from the jaws of defeat; it would've been one of the most improbable comebacks in history for a political party in decline popularity in the midst of one of the worst economies in half a century, in charge of a party that had governed during Dutch colonialism and even after gaining independence.

Then, in a moment of flippant and triggered improvision with just about three weeks to go, Weanack quipped to reporters "If you love what Bush up there in the States has been doing, you'll be loving what Delveaux has in store for Suriname." Weanack's comment was supposedly meant to draw parallels between the gaffe-prone Delveaux and moderate-to-conservative American President, both in terms of personality and, as Weanack acknowledged in his memoirs, policy. The comment would've had very little impact if it hadn't been for Delveaux, on his heels for weeks, angrily responding in an interview "We should ask the former Foreign Affairs Minister why prefers a continuation of the chaotic Hendricks years, and which one is responsible for the price shock and the global trade crisis that came with it. And if he doesn't answer that question, well on Election Day, in less than three weeks from today, the Surinamese people are going to give us an answer on where they want to move the country."

"Progress or Chaos" became one of the most famous, if misquoted, memories of the campaign, and was considered the moment that halted Weanack's momentum. Polling in Suriname did suggest that Surinamanians disliked Jorge Hendricks more than George HW Bush, and though the idea that Hendricks was personally responsible for the Economic Recession was perhaps too esoteric to become a common view, it distracted from Delveaux's perceived failings as a future President and returned attention to the economic stewardship of the incumbent party in power just when the JFPP campaign needed it to. Whereas it looked before the remarks like before the gaffe-prone remarks like the WHL-EHL could at least hold Delveaux to a minority of the nationwide vote or at least forcing a runoff election, and possibly win the runoff election, polling broke marginally, but decisively to the JFPP in the end.

Delveaux would win the Presidency with just 53.12% of the nationwide vote, while Weanack won 46.73 percent of the vote. Delveaux was sworn into office as the 4th President of Suriname on 25 June 1987 but would be ousted in a military coup in 1990 due to political chaos and economic instability.
 
Chapter 23: Secret Bedfellows in Saudi Arabia (Spring 1987: VII) New
Secret Bedfellows in Saudi Arabia
......"the enemy of my enemy is my friend......"
-Unspecified proverb

By the Spring of 1987, Saudi Arabia was both better and worse off than the previous six and a half years; worse off in the sense that the economy was in tatters, hundreds of dissidents were in prison (where the Saudi Secret Intelligence Agency gleefully tortured them gruesomely at the behest of its chief, General Metanoullah Nazzueve, who was offhandly referred to by Saudi Arabian President General Jamal Al-Fayheed in later years as "The Defacto Saudi Second-in-Command"), and the sharp decline in oil production had helped raise the global price of crude by nearly 73% (though how much of it following the Nicaraguan Shock was debatable.) However, the protests began dwindling; though liberal students remained angry that the Saudi Royal Family were gone only to be replaced by a smooth, ruthless and cunning military dictator in Al-Fayheed, who had the Monarchy abolished altogether following his successful military coup in 1980, making Saudi Arabia: the Federal Republic of Arabia and becoming the Middle Eastern country's first elected President in the process winning his first six-year term in 1982 (and the first of many six-year terms), the expansion of the pro-Western reforms had placated the conservative clergy. Nazzueve was pragmatic too, being tapped by President Al-Fayheed as the National Defense Minister and serving as Commander-in-Chief of the Saudi Arabian Army in March of 1987 and giving him full reign to pursue whatever national security reforms he saw fit to making the Armed Forces of Saudi Arabia (SAAF) into one of the most dominant militaries in the Middle East, besides Israel, Egypt and Jordan.

Of course, there was the situation regarding the Presidents' neurotic son, Colonel Medhi Al-Fayheed, who was becoming an influential force inside the Saudi Arabian Air Force (more on him later in the timeline).

The mass protests ended following the sharp crackdown and flight of the deposed Royal Family, but Saudi Arabia was still Saudi Arabia, after all, the country which continued drawing the eyes of the world. The intriguing assassination of Saudi Arabia's flamboyant Prime Minister, Brigadier General Morris Al-Fayheed (the President's brother), started March off with a wild bang as his motorcade was ambushed with rocket-propelled grenades fired by masked men in the heart of Dammam. The event stunned the Al-Fayheed's and was said to drain the color even from Nazzueve's face; that the assassination was carried out not by the usual suspects of outside agitators (who were desperately itching to oust the Al-Fayheed's from power, which obviously failed badly), but by the Tudeh, the socialist insurgency who viewed riots and destabilizing atmosphere as an opening. What shocked CIA agents upon their investigations into the event was that the Tudeh had formed a partnership with the People's Mujahedin and other Islamist anti-regime forces where they foreswore explicit cooperation but agreed not to fight one another. Newly-installed CIA Director
William H. Webster was debating heavily on whether to aggressively edit the report on the matter that he was to personally present to President Bush, wondering if the idea of atheist Marxists teaming up with millenarian Shia extremists was laughable; but, that was simply because he didn't understand Shia clerics. To Nazzueve and his torturers at the SSAI, there wasn't anything strange about it all------clerics like Dehbi had long sought to staunch the appeal of outright Marxism among the disaffected Saudi youths, which was quickly and violently repressed aggressively during a full-scale military crackdown against Dehbi and his group of socialist clerics and the Saudi youth of supporters, all of whom were brutally killed and gruesomely disposed of without anyone noticing.
 
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